scholarly journals Wave run-up of a possible Anak-Krakatau tsunami on planned and optimized Jakarta Sea Dike

Author(s):  
M. R. Badriana ◽  
H. Bachtiar ◽  
D. Adytia ◽  
L. Sembiring ◽  
Andonowati ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Run Up ◽  
Water ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 3396
Author(s):  
Moritz Kreyenschulte ◽  
David Schürenkamp ◽  
Benedikt Bratz ◽  
Holger Schüttrumpf ◽  
Nils Goseberg

The wave run-up height is a crucial design parameter that determines the crest height of a sea dike and is used for estimating the number of overtopping waves. Therefore, a reduction of the wave run-up height is generally aspired in the design of dikes, which can be achieved by mortar-grouted riprap revetments (MGRR). Although MGRRs are widely utilized revetments along the German North Sea coast, no investigations into the wave run-up height on this revetment type are available to date. Full-scale hydraulic model tests were hence conducted to investigate wave run-up heights on partially grouted and fully grouted MGRRs. The wave run-up was determined using 2D-LIDAR measurements, which were validated by video data. Partially grouted MGRRs, due to their roughness, porosity, and permeability, reduce wave run-up heights from 21% to 28%, and fully grouted MGRRs due to their roughness reduce wave run-up heights from 12% to 14% compared to smooth impermeable revetments. Influence factors have been determined for four widely used revetment configurations, which can now be used for design purposes. A comparison and subsequent discussion about the representation of the physics of wave run-up by different parameters is carried out with the results presented.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Huda Bachtiar ◽  
Riam Badriana ◽  
Leo Sembiring ◽  
Didit Adytia ◽  
I Putu Samskerta ◽  
...  

The infrastructural plans in the Jakarta Bay to reduce risks of flooding in Jakarta city comprise a large sea dike that encloses a retention lake. Part of the planned dike has the shape of the iconic Garuda bird. This shape is based on NCICD Stage-B Master Plan, where the form shape has not been tested on hydraulic perspective. Therefore, testing of wave run-up has been investiagated to find the optimum form of the Garuda Shape. The simulation of wave run-up uses Hawassi Model, where the model is governed by Boussinesq wave equation with considering wave-wave interaction. This paper shows that if in the future an explosion of Anak Krakatau will occur with strength 1/4th of the original Karkatau 1883 explosion, wave crests of 11m and troughs of 6m may collide against the birds head. As an alternative example, a more optimized design of the dike is constructed that reduces the maximal wave effects considerably.


Author(s):  
A. J. Sutherland ◽  
J. N. Sharma ◽  
O.H. Shemdin
Keyword(s):  

2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Donald E. Wagner

It is a common assumption in the international media that the fundamentalist Christian Right suddenly appeared on the US political scene following the 11 September 2001 tragedy, and that it became a major force in shaping US policy in the Middle East. While it is true that fundamentalist Christians have exercised considerable influence during the George W. Bush administration, their ascendance is neither new nor surprising. The movement has demonstrated political influence in the US and England intermittently for more than a hundred years, particularly in the formation of Middle East policy. This article focuses on the unique theology and historical development of Christian Zionism, noting its essential beliefs, its emergence in England during the nineteenth century, and how it grew to gain prominence in the US. The alliance of the pro-Israel lobby, the neo-conservative movement, and several Christian Zionist organizations in the US represents a formidable source of support for the more maximalist views of Israel's Likud Party. In the run-up to the 2004 US presidential elections this alliance could potentially thwart any progress on an Israeli–Palestinian peace plan in the near future. Moreover, Likud ideology is increasingly evident in US Middle East policy as a result of this alliance.


Jurnal Segara ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robby Wallansha ◽  
Wiko Setyonegoro
Keyword(s):  

Maluku merupakan salah satu daerah di timur Indonesia yang memiliki potensi tsunami yang cukup tinggi, ini dibuktikan dengan lebih dari 25 kejadian tsunami yang terekam di daerah Maluku dari tahun 1629 – 2006 (katalog database tsunami online Gusiakov (2005), Puspito (2007) dan Katalog Gempa Merusak dan Tsunami BMKG), tsunami yang terbesar terjadi pada tanggal 17 Pebruari 1674 yang menewaskan lebih dari 2900 orang dengan run-up hingga mencapai 80 meter dan menghancurkan kota Ambon dan juga pada tanggal 12 Oktober 1899 yang menenggelamkan kota Amahai di Pulau Seram dengan korban tewas mencapai 4000 orang. Oleh karena itu perlu dilakukan pembuatan skenario tsunami untuk mendapatkan kemungkinan tinggi run-up yang bersumber di daerah perairan Maluku dengan menggunakan software Tsunami L-2008. Berdasarkan Katalog Gempabumi Signifikan dan Merusak 1821 – 2009 yang dikeluarkan BMKG, bahwa pada tanggal 28 Januari 2004 telah terjadi gempabumi di Maluku mengakibatkan tsunami yang terobservasi di Namlea, dengan epicenter 3,110 LS – 127,300 BT dengan kekuatan Mw = 6,6 SR. Dalam pembuatan skenario tsunami dalam penelitian ini dengan merubah nilai magnituda gempabumi (Mw=7,0 SR, Mw=7,5 SR. Mw=8,0 SR) berdasarkan referensi setelah itu menggunakan hubungan rumusan empiris dari Hanks and Kanamori untuk mendapatkan nilai slip (m) sekaligus membuat beberapa kombinasi skenario tsunamidengan mempertahankan nilai momen seismik dan merubah nilai luas fault dan slip (m), untuk momen seismik didapatkan berdasarkan rumusan empiris dari Wells and Coppersmith (1994) sedangkan untuk luas fault berdasarkan rumusan empiris dari  Papazachos et al (2004) dengan mengasumsikan bahwa luas fault berbentuk persegi panjang. Dari sebelas skenario tsunami yang dibuat dari setiap magnituda gempabumi diperoleh tinggi run-up tertinggi untuk Mw=7,0 SR yaitu dengan tinggi 0,59 m di daerah Huamual sedangkan terendah di daerah Latuhalat dengan tinggi run-up 0,09 m, untuk Mw = 7,5 SR diperoleh tinggi run-up tertinggi mencapai 2,73 m di Huamual dan terendah 0,36 di Latuhalat, dan untuk Mw = 8,0 SR didapatkan tinggi run-up tertinggi hingga 8,19 m di Huamual dan terendah di Latuhalat dengan tinggi run-up 0,94 m.


Author(s):  
Hoolo Nyane

While electoral discontent has been the enduring feature of constitutional democracy in Lesotho since independence, disagreement over electoral system is a fairly recent phenomenon. When the country attained independence in 1966 from Britain, electoral system was not necessarily one of the topical issues of pre-independence constitutional negotiations. The major issues were the powers of the monarch, the office of prime minister, the command of the army and many more.  It was taken for granted that the country would use the British-based plurality electoral system.  This is the system which the country used until early 2000s when the electoral laws were reformed to anchor a new mixed electoral system.  When the new electoral laws were ultimately passed in 2001, the country transitioned from a plurality electoral system to a two-ballot mixed member proportional system. By this time, electoral system had acquired prominence in politico-legal discourse in Lesotho.  In the run-up to 2007 elections, bigger political parties orchestrated the manipulation of electoral laws which culminated in clearly distorted electoral outcomes. The manipulations motivated further reforms in the run-up to 2012 election which resulted in the single-ballot mixed member proportional system. The purpose of this paper is to critically evaluate how electoral laws have anchored electoral system reforms throughout the various historical epochs in Lesotho since independence. The paper contends that while the country has been courageous, unlike most of its peers, to introduce far-reaching electoral system changes, the reform of electoral laws has not been so helpful in attaining the higher objectives of political inclusivity, constitutionalism and stability in Lesotho.


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