Middle East synchrotron facility could bring regional cooperation

Chapter 1 examines the new definitions of antiquity that emerged after the First World War and relates them to the new post-war imperial order and international system. It tracks the shift from a perception of ancient objects and monuments as the loot of victors, through their handling within the framework, which had first emerged in the nineteenth century, of laws of war, to their treatment as a part of policies of an imperial peace in the Middle East—in peace treaties and the new mandates system. The chapter follows the internationalization of the discourse on antiquity and the formation of a new “regime of antiquities”, a term referring to international and local mandatory legislation on archaeology and to practices of its monitoring. It offers a view “from above” of the new regime and its formulation by internationalist experts, within the League of Nations and its organizations for intellectual cooperation, such as the International Institute for Intellectual Cooperation (IIIC) and International Museums Office (OIM), and of internationalist apparatuses, as well as considering the implementation of the regime “on the ground” by the antiquities’ administrations in mandate A territories, formerly under Ottoman rule (Palestine and Transjordan, and Iraq), and the nominally independent Egypt. The chapter demonstrates how the internationalist pull and discourse seeped to colonial rhetoric but conflicted with notions of imperial sovereignty and the power of the mandatories to implement policies on the ground. At the same time, visions of regional cooperation amongst archaeologists and national rights to patrimony were adopted by local archaeologists and nationalists.

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9. Regionalism and Alliances in the Middle East

International Relations of the Middle East ◽

10.1093/hepl/9780198809425.003.0009 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 201-225

Author(s):

Louise Fawcett

Keyword(s):

Middle East ◽

Arab Spring ◽

Regional Cooperation ◽

Arab World ◽

Domestic Policy ◽

External Influence ◽

Regional Institutions ◽

Policy Choices ◽

Regional Trends ◽

The Arab Spring

This chapter describes the changing dynamics of regionalism and alliance-making in the Middle East, processes that are closely related to and reflect states' foreign and domestic policy choices. The Middle East is not a region without regionalism at the societal or interstate level. There have been multiple forces for cooperation, particularly in the Arab world, based upon common identity, interests and beliefs; multiple alliances that intersect the Arab and non-Arab world; and evidence of cooperation in both broader and narrower regional settings like the Gulf. Global as well as regional trends and influences also push the Middle East into new arenas of cooperation. However, outcomes are mixed: an array of factors including regime insecurity, local rivalries, and external influence inhibit attempts at regional cooperation. Events since the Arab Spring have presented opportunities but also further challenges for Arab regional institutions as new divides and regional alignments emerge.

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Urinary organophosphate metabolite levels in Palestinian pregnant women: results of the Middle East Regional Cooperation Project

International Journal of Environmental Health Research ◽

10.1080/09603123.2015.1109067 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 26 (3) ◽

pp. 254-266 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

Ziad Abdeen ◽

Tamar Berman ◽

Kifaya Azmi ◽

Rania Abu Seir ◽

Hazem Agha ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Middle East ◽

Pregnant Women ◽

Regional Cooperation ◽

Cooperation Project

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The Schuman Plan 60 Years Later: A Model for the Middle East?

European View ◽

10.1007/s12290-010-0108-4 ◽

2010 ◽

Vol 9 (1) ◽

pp. 93-96

Author(s):

Hans-Gert Pöttering

Keyword(s):

Middle East ◽

European Integration ◽

Regional Cooperation ◽

Violent Conflict ◽

Palestinian Authority ◽

Historical Legacy ◽

Starting Point ◽

Schuman Plan ◽

Special Responsibility ◽

The Eu

Europe has a special responsibility towards Israel and the Palestinian Authority, not only because the EU is the largest aid donor in the region, but also because of Europe's historical legacy. Europe can provide a roadmap on how a region is able to pull itself from centuries of violent conflict to peace and stability through economic cooperation. Granted, European integration cannot be transplanted to the Middle East; however, the plan set in motion by Robert Schuman 60 years ago can provide a starting point for regional cooperation in the Middle East.

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Impacts of Syrian Crisis on Turkish-Iranian Relations: (Rojava Factor)

Journal of University of Human Development ◽

10.21928/juhd.v3n3y2017.pp570-577 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 3 (3) ◽

pp. 570

Author(s):

Othman Ali ◽

Zhirwan A. Ismail

Keyword(s):

Middle East ◽

Regional Cooperation ◽

Syrian Crisis ◽

The North ◽

Bilateral Relations ◽

The Future ◽

Strategic Goals ◽

Effective Role ◽

The Impact ◽

Regional Effort

The Syrian crisis in general and the Northern Syria (Rojava) cantons have a profound impact on Turkish-Iranian relations. We have a paradox here where the Kurdish factor seems to have initially driven Iran and Turkey a part and complicated the bilateral relations between the two countries. However, the Rojava factor has recently forced the two countries to some form of regional cooperation and in the future the desire of Turkey and Iran to prevent the emergence of a Kurdish entity in Northern Syria will be a strengthening factor for the bilateral relations. It is anticipated that Syrian and Iraqi regimes which share the same concern will join Turkey and Iran in this regional effort to contain or even destroy the Rojava experience. Nevertheless, the success of this regional effort will be dependent on the future of Russian and American stand towards Rojava. In this paper, the factor of non-state actors in the current situation of the Middle East has been explained. The reasons of changing the traditional political map of the Middle East have been mentioned. Then specifically while talking about the Syrian crisis, Turkey and Iran have been focused on while they have been working for implementing their own political agendas in Syria. The impact of Syrian crisis in general on Turkish-Iranian relations has been explained. We then have particularly mentioned the rise of Rojava (the North Western part of Syria) as the main reason that affected the regional policies of Turkey and Iran. In the rise of Rojava, we have answered questions like who is supporting Rojava and why? Then we have proceed to explain and analyze the different views with which Iran and Turkey initially had about the emergence of Rojava Regime. Here in this stage, we have tried to give four main groups that have an effective role in the crisis. When we understand the nature of these groups, their antagonists and their supporters, we will almost understand the goals and interests of each main actor that supporting them including Iran and Turkey. Finally, we will reflect upon the Iranian ambitions and strategic goals in the region, taking Syria as an example, and why Turkey is trying to limit the hegemony of Ira

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Le Proche-Orient dans le système mondial

Études internationales ◽

10.7202/701274ar ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 12 (4) ◽

pp. 691-716 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Thierry Hentsch

Keyword(s):

Middle East ◽

Regional Cooperation ◽

Middle Eastern ◽

World System ◽

The United States ◽

Great Powers ◽

The World ◽

Directed Development ◽

The Third World ◽

Palestinian Question

The Middle East is generally perceived in the West, often in simplistic terms, as an area which is crucial to the West's economic and strategic interests. Given the complexity of this new « Eastern question », the Western perspective is important because it counts for a lot in determining the future of this region and in defining the position the Middle East holds in the world System. This dominant perspective has nonetheless the defect of putting on the back burner the interests of the peoples of the Middle East and the possibilities of a different scenario which corresponds less with the designs of the great powers today and more with the needs of the Middle Eastern countries. The present and future position of the Middle East in the world System should thus be examined from an internal viewpoint as much as from an external one. Seen from the outside, the region appears essentially as a pawn. From this perspective, the deterioration of the Palestinian question permits the great powers (particularly the United States) to keep the Arab governments divided and thus blocks the way to regional cooperation susceptible to putting the energy resources of the oil producers at the service of self-directed development in the region. Seen from the inside, however, this cooperation, beyond its economic advantages, has interesting social and cultural possibilities, It is thus a question of knowing which conditions would develop these possibilities. The question is important because, to a certain extent, the outcome of the Middle Eastern situation will serve as an example to the Third World as a whole to the extent that the Middle East develops a strategy for a new kind of development defined and carried out free from dependency on external powers. The precondition to this effort is clearly the formulation and effective maintenance of a common Arab position which is coherent and realistic on the Palestinian question ; inevitably this is central to all Middle Eastern policy.

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