(1) Report of the National Committee on Calendar Simplification for the United States, submitted to the Secretary of State, Washington, August 1929 (2) Thirteen-Month Calendar

Nature ◽  
1929 ◽  
Vol 124 (3139) ◽  
pp. 977-978
Author(s):  
H. C. P.
1972 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-440
Author(s):  
Randolph Campbell

It is well known that the initial task of interpreting the Monroe Doctrine as a functional policy in international relations fell largely on John Quincy Adams. Somewhat ironically, the noncolonization principle in Monroe's famed Annual Message of 1823 for which Adams, then Secretary of State, was most responsible, received relatively little attention in the 1820's. Leaders in the United States and Spanish America alike were more concerned with the meaning of the other main principle involved in the Message—nonintervention. What were the practical implications of Monroe's warning that the United States would consider intervention by a European power in the affairs of any independent American nation “ as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States ” ? John Quincy Adams laid the groundwork for an answer to this question in July, 1824, when Colombia, alarmed by rumors of French interference in the wars for independence, sought a treaty of alliance. The President and Congress, Adams replied, would take the necessary action to support nonintervention if a crisis arose, but there would be no alliance. In fact, he added, it would be necessary for the United States to have an understanding with certain European powers whose principles and interests also supported nonintervention before any action could be taken or any alliance completed to uphold it. The position taken by the Secretary of State cooled enthusiasm for the Monroe Doctrine, but Spanish American leaders did not accept this rebuff in 1824 as final.


1999 ◽  
Vol 123 (4) ◽  
pp. 285-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary V. Doern ◽  
Angela B. Brueggemann ◽  
Michael A. Pfaller ◽  
Ronald N. Jones

Abstract Objective.—To assess the performance of clinical microbiology laboratories in the United States when conducting in vitro susceptibility tests with Streptococcus pneumoniae. Methods.—The results of a nationwide College of American Pathologists Proficiency Survey test sample, in which susceptibility testing of an isolate of S pneumoniae was performed, were assessed with respect to precision and accuracy. Results.—Wide variability was noted among participating laboratories with both minimum inhibitory concentration procedures and disk diffusion susceptibility tests when both methods were applied to S pneumoniae. Despite this high degree of variation, categorical interpretive errors were uncommon. Numerous laboratories reported results for antimicrobial agents that are not recommended by the National Committee for Clinical Laboratory Standards for tests with S pneumoniae. Conclusions.—Current susceptibility testing practices with S pneumoniae in the United States indicate limited precision and a tendency for laboratories to test and report results obtained with antimicrobial agents of questionable therapeutic value against this organism. Continued efforts to standardize susceptibility testing of S pneumoniae in the United States are warranted. In addition, modifications of existing interpretive criteria may be necessary.


1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-301
Author(s):  
Wilkins B. Winn

The Republic of Colombia was the first Latin American nation to which the United States extended a formal act of recognition in 1822. This country was also the first of these new republics with which the United States negotiated a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation. The importance of incorporating the principle of religious liberty in our first commercial treaty with Latin America was revealed in the emphasis that John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, placed on it in his initial instructions to Richard Clough Anderson, Jr., Minister Plenipotentiary to Colombia. Religious liberty was one of the specific articles stipulated by Adams for insertion in the prospective commercial treaty.


Author(s):  
Igor Vukadinović

After the Second World War, a large number of members of the fascist regime of the Kingdom of Albania found refuge in Italy, Turkey and the countries of Western Europe, where they continued to politically act. The leading political options in exile - Balli Kombetar, Zogists and pro-Italian National Independent Bloc, decided to cooperate with each other, so they have formed the Albanian National Committee in 1946. The turning point for the Albanian extreme emigration in the West is Operation Valuable, by which the United States and Great Britain sought to overthrow the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania. Although the operation failed, strong ties were forged between US and British intelligence and Albanian nacionalist emigration, which were further intensified in the 1960s. Xhafer Deva, who was dedicated to act on the annexation of Kosovo and Metohija to Albania, immigrated to the United States in 1956 and established cooperation with the CIA. Albanian emigration in the West applied different methods in politics towards Kosovo and Metohija. Some organizations, such as Xhafer Deva's Third Prizren League, have focused on lobbying Western intelligence. The Bali Kombetar Independent, headquatered in Rome, paid particular attention to working with Albanian high school and student youth in Kosovo and Metohija. The Alliance of Kosovo, formed in 1949, was engaged in subtle methods of involving Albanian nationalists in Yugoslav state structures, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav People's Army, and educational and health institutions in Kosovo and Metohija. Albanian emigration was also involved in violent demonstrations in Kosovo and Metohija in 1968, and cooperated on this issue with the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania.


1911 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 414-432
Author(s):  
Gaillard Hunt

Having considered in former numbers of this Journal the sometime and occasional duties of the Department, including among them certain contingent duties which it has never been called upon to perform, we may now advance to a consideration of its habitual functions.The organic act of the Department prescribed that the Secretary of State should keep “ the seal of the United States.” It is the mark of the supreme authority of the United States, and before the government went into operation under the Constitution, was in the custody of the Secretary of Congress, being used to verify all important acts, whether executive or legislative; but the debate on executive departments in the first constitutional congress indicated that Congress did not contemplate keeping the seal any longer, and thought it would necessarily pass to the custody of the Executive. The President did, in fact, take it under his control as soon as he assumed office and before legal provision had been made for it.


1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 454-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
James J. Horn

For many years the vague notion has circulated that the United States and Mexico were on the verge of war in 1927. Howard Cline (1965: 209) cited unspecified “Mexican sources” as purportedly revealing that Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg and Ambassador James R. Sheffield in Mexico City were “purposely trying to provoke some Mexican act that could be used as a pretext for American intervention.” Former Mexican President Emilio Portes Gil (1964: 396) went further and insisted that American warships had actually mobilized for intervention, only to be thwarted by an “imperturbable” President Calles. These and other such assertions have never been thoroughly analyzed on the basis of available American diplomatic and military records. This article attempts to demonstrate that intervention was highly unlikely. Moreover, circumstantial evidence and logic combine to suggest that the administration of Calvin Coolidge never seriously considered such a move and that rumors of intervention were founded more upon Mexican suspicion and mistrust than upon realities in Washington.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayer Chung

There is an epidemic of cardiovascular disease in the United States, which is responsible for approximately one death every 40 seconds in the United States. Whereas the overall mortality attributable to cardiovascular disease is decreasing, the overall prevalence of atherosclerotic risk factors is increasing. Optimal management of atherosclerotic risk factors can have profound effects on morbidity and mortality after vascular surgical procedures. This review covers risk factors for the development of atherosclerosis; the evaluation of patients with vascular disease; management of tobacco abuse, hypertension, hyperlipidemia, diabetes mellitus, and antiplatelet agents; and perioperative medical management concerns in vascular surgery. Tables highlight investigational biomarkers for atherosclerosis, behavioral modification recommendations to be used to improve smoking cessation, Eighth Joint National Committee guidelines for blood pressure management, definitions of high- and moderate-intensity statin therapy, and potential future areas of research. Algorithms lay out the effects of cigarette smoke, the proposed mechanism of statin pleiotropy as it pertains to the vasculature, and the proposed mechanisms of the role of hyperglycemia in atherogenesis. This review contains 3 figures, 6 tables, and 79 references.


1966 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 845-847

The fourteenth session of the Council of Ministers of die Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) was held in Ankara, Turkey, on April 20–21, 1966, under the chairmanship of Ihsan Sabri Caglayangil, the Foreign Minister of Turkey. Others attending the session were Abbas Aram, Foreign Minister of Iran; Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Foreign Minister of Pakistan; Michael Stewart, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom; and Dean Rusk, Secretary of State of the United States. The session had been preceded by a meeting of the CENTO Military Committee held in Tehran, Iran, on April 5–6.


1951 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-96
Author(s):  
Charles H. Butler

An appreciative understanding of the position and the program of mathematics in the modern American scheme of secondary education can best be had by viewing it against the backdrop of history. Its evolution from the stereotyped arithmetic of colonial days to the comprehensive and varied offering of today represents a continuing effort to make mathematics contribute all it could toward the achievement of the broad aims of prevailing educational philosophies, and many influences have been operative in shaping its course. The story of the evolving program of secondary mathematics has been fully and well recounted in numerous books and articles. It is not the purpose of this paper to tell the whole story again, but merely to indicate something of the contribution of one important committee, and especially of one of its members, to the development of the program in mathematics in the United States in the past quarter of a century. This committee was the National Committee on Mathematical Requirements, and the member of it to whom reference was made was the late Professor Raleigh Schorling, to whose memory this issue of The Mathematics Teacher is dedicated.


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