The streaming self: Liberal subjectivity, technology, and unlinking.

2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Goodman ◽  
Abigail Collins
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1181-1194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Harrington

This article considers the YouTube ‘My Rape Story’ genre in light of critical feminist analyses of rape survivor stories. The feminist mobilization that developed out of the political ferment of 1968 told a ‘rape story’ of male power and women’s oppression. However, as first-hand rape stories proliferated in late 20th-century popular media, psychological experts typically framed them with therapeutic narratives of individual self-efficacy and self-transformation. Critical feminist analyses of such rape ‘survivor discourse’ called for new discursive spaces that would allow survivors to eschew therapeutic accounts. A new generation of women have spoken out on a variety of digital platforms, confronting established limits on talking about rape. Considering YouTube ‘My Rape Story’ videos as one manifestation of this new wave of speaking out, my analysis shows that examples of such videos evidence the impact of incitements to self-disclosure through self-branding built into much social media. I argue that these videos exemplify how first-hand rape stories can provide a site for the construction of neo-liberal subjectivity by positioning rape trauma as something survivors must work on in order to achieve self-efficacy. Nevertheless, these accounts also show resistance to victim-blaming rape myths.


Author(s):  
Dan Wang

This chapter addresses the nature of social worlds that coalesce around events of speech in two films from contemporary liberal culture: Love Actually (2003) and The King’s Speech (2010). Though one centers on romantic union and the other on the union of nation, both films culminate in scenes whose formal outlines are nearly identical: a character played by Colin Firth must deliver a speech, though his ability to speak is in some way compromised, and the coherence of a social order hangs on his ability to make his voice flow. By locating the drama of intersubjectivity in the individual’s capacity simply to produce a voice, these cases offer an alternative to a visual grammar of intimacy located in the return of the other’s gaze. Instead, they resonate with theories of liberal subjectivity that emphasize the way in which speaking itself produces an efflorescence of personhood. By focusing on speech and not the gaze, these accounts suggest that the other may be structurally negligible in cinematic scenes of recognition. The formal structure of intimate and national resolution in these films indicates a broader blueprint of liberal togetherness, one in which a certain concept of the voice sustains and unites an idea of individual expressiveness with the promise of a collectivity magnetized by feeling.


2013 ◽  
pp. 157-186
Author(s):  
Katharine Lee Bates ◽  
Barbara Bush
Keyword(s):  

2009 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Abelmann ◽  
So Jin Park ◽  
Hyunhee Kim

Author(s):  
Ryan A. Quintana

This chapter explores South Carolina’s developmental policy and reform agenda in the post-War of 1812 era, arguing that public works and the labor of state slaves were part of a broader project seeking to produce both the state as well as liberal subjectivity. As the chapter argues, while South Carolinians were influenced by broader governing trends throughout the Atlantic world, their experience was directly shaped by the everyday practices of the state’s enslaved majority, who they absolutely relied upon. Subsequently, leaders broadened their vision of the state to accommodate the violence required for its maintenance.


Author(s):  
Kimberly Hutchings

This chapter enquires into liberalism and its alleged ethnocentrism and discrimination between liberal and illiberal practices and subjects. It asks how it is possible for liberal order to be both liberal and imperial by exploring how liberal ordering and liberal subjectivity are reproduced in the international arena through the drawing of lines between legitimate and illegitimate violence. It suggests that liberal self-identities are sustained through a range of everyday practices, which continually reproduce (sometimes violent) hierarchical relations between international actors. Rather than understanding liberalism and imperialism in substantive terms as institutions or ideologies that inevitably are antithetical to one another, it suggests focusing on state and non-state actors' prior processes of self-identification as a particular kind of subject.


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