Harassment and other problematic behaviors experienced by the staff of public office holders.

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy J. Lowry ◽  
Michele T. Pathé ◽  
Jane H. Phillips ◽  
Debbie J. Haworth ◽  
Melodie J. Mulder ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Office ◽  
Problematic Behaviors

The Effect of Public Office Values on Government Trust: Focusing on the Effects of Regulating the Level of Citizenship

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-42
Author(s):  
Nam-Sik Yun ◽  
Seok-Kee Lee
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Institute Of Public Administration ◽  
Service Value ◽  
Korean Government ◽  
Government Sector ◽  
The Impact

Background/Objectives: The study discussed the impact of citizens' perceptions of public office values of integrity, accountability, and fairness, based on the view that government trust is centered on the citizens' perception of the value of public office.  Methods/Statistical analysis: The data was based on a 2017 survey conducted by the Korea Institute of Public Administration on the perception of corruption in the Korean government sector. The study included 1,000 people and was conducted through a survey public service value, citizenship level and government trust. The data were analyzed using the SPSS 22 and AMOS 22.0 program.

The Effect of Public Office Values on Government Trust: Focusing on the Effects of Regulating the Level of Citizenship

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (8) ◽  
pp. 366-374
Author(s):  
Nam-Sik Yun ◽  
Seok-Kee Lee
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Institute Of Public Administration ◽  
Service Value ◽  
Korean Government ◽  
Government Sector ◽  
The Impact

The study discussed the impact of citizens' perceptions of public office values of integrity, accountability, and fairness, based on the view that government trust is centered on the citizens' perception of the value of public office. Methods/Statistical analysis: The data was based on a 2017 survey conducted by the Korea Institute of Public Administration on the perception of corruption in the Korean government sector. The study included 1,000 people and was conducted through a survey public service value, citizenship level and government trust. The data were analyzed using the SPSS 22 and AMOS 22.0 program.

Our universities away from partisan Altsarat

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Office ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The University

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.

Policing and public office

2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (supplement 2) ◽  
pp. 248-266
Author(s):  
Malcolm Thorburn
Keyword(s):  
Public Office

1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat (deel 2)

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The South ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The North ◽  
Ministerial Responsibility ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.

The Limits of Criminal Misconduct

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Horder
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Role Theory ◽  
Codes Of Conduct ◽  
Harm Principle ◽  
Moral Justification ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The Harm Principle

I turn my attention to the theoretical or moral justification for the offence of misconduct in public office. I argue that the offence of misconduct in office is only tenuously connected to the ‘harm principle’ justification for criminalization. I suggest that the offence is better explained by what I call the ‘role’ theory of criminalization. I also consider the legitimate scope of the offence: the kinds of misconduct that it should, and should not, cover. In that regard, we will see that codes of conduct that govern officials—a vital written element to the UK’s constitution—play a role not merely in setting boundaries but also in minimizing rule of law uncertainty about the kind of misconduct that may be found to fall within the scope of the offence.

Fiduciary Principles and Public Offices

2019 ◽  
pp. 302-322
Author(s):  
Ethan J. Leib ◽  
Stephen R. Galoob
Keyword(s):  
Administrative Law ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Normative Structure ◽  
The Public ◽  
Positive Law

This chapter examines how fiduciary principles apply to public offices, focusing on what it means for officeholders to comport themselves to their respective public roles appropriately. Public law institutions can operate in accordance with fiduciary norms even when they are enforced differently from the remedial mechanisms available in private fiduciary law. In the public sector, fiduciary norms are difficult to enforce directly and the fiduciary norms of public office do not overlap completely with the positive law governing public officials. Nevertheless, core fiduciary principles are at the heart of public officeholding, and public officers need to fulfill their fiduciary role obligations. This chapter first considers three areas of U.S. public law whose fiduciary character reinforces the tenet that public office is a public trust: the U.S. Constitution’s “Emoluments Clauses,” administrative law, and the law of judging. It then explores the fiduciary character of public law by looking at the deeper normative structure of public officeholding, placing emphasis on how public officeholders are constrained by the principles of loyalty, care, deliberation, conscientiousness, and robustness. It also compares the policy implications of the fiduciary view of officeholding with those of Dennis Thompson’s view before concluding with an explanation of how the application of fiduciary principles might differ between public and private law settings and how public institutions might be designed or reformed in light of fiduciary norms.

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