Differences in alcohol screening and alcohol problems among United States veterans based on military service history.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel A. Hoopsick ◽  
Bonnie M. Vest ◽  
D. Lynn Homish ◽  
Gregory G. Homish
Author(s):  
Margaret Murray

Nationaler Alcohol Screening Tag in den Vereinigten Staaten: Reduzierung des Stigmas von Alkoholproblemen Ziel: Der National Alcohol Screening Day (NASD) soll das öffentliche Interesse auf die Folgen des riskanten Alkoholkonsums lenken. </P><P>Durchführung: Er wird seit 1998 jährlich landesweit in verschiedenen Einrichtungen, weiterführenden Schulen und Betrieben durchgeführt. Angeboten werden Informationen über Alkohol und Gesundheit und ein kostenloses, anonymes Screening alkoholbezogener Störungen. </P><P>Ergebnisse: 2002 zeigte das AUDIT-Screening bei 34 % der Teilnehmer aus Hochschulen, bei 16 % aus Ein-richtungen der medizinischen Primärversorgung und bei 23 % aus gemeindennahen Einrichtungen einen Score von über 8. </P><P>Schlussfolgerungen: Der NASD zeigt, wie wichtig ein frühzeitiges Screening von Alkoholproblemen ist. Er konnte seine Zielgruppe erreichen und hat dazu beigetragen, die öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit zu erhöhen und das Stigma, das Alkoholprobleme umgibt, zu verringern.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052097031
Author(s):  
Cary Leonard Klemmer ◽  
Ashley C. Schuyler ◽  
Mary Rose Mamey ◽  
Sheree M. Schrager ◽  
Carl Andrew Castro ◽  
...  

Prior research among military personnel has indicated that sexual harassment, stalking, and sexual assault during military service are related to negative health sequelae. However, research specific to LGBT U.S. service members is limited. The current study aimed to explore the health, service utilization, and service-related impact of stalking and sexual victimization experiences in a sample of active-duty LGBT U.S. service members ( N = 248). Respondent-driven sampling was used to recruit study participants. U.S. service members were eligible to participate if they were 18 years or older and active-duty members of the U.S. Army, U.S. Navy, U.S. Marine Corps, or U.S. Air Force. This study included a sizeable portion of transgender service members ( N = 58, 23.4%). Sociodemographic characteristics, characteristics of military service, health, and sexual and stalking victimization in the military were assessed. Regression was used to examine relationships between health and service outcomes and sexual and stalking victimization during military service. Final adjusted models showed that experiencing multiple forms of victimization in the military increased the odds of visiting a mental health clinician and having elevated somatic symptoms, posttraumatic stress disorder symptomatology, anxiety, and suicidality. Sexual and stalking victimization during U.S. military service was statistically significantly related to the mental and physical health of LGBT U.S. service members. Interventions to reduce victimization experiences and support LGBT U.S. service members who experience these types of violence are indicated. Research that examines the role of LGBT individuals’ experiences and organizational and peer factors, including social support, leadership characteristics, and institutional policies in the United States military is needed.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 86 (6) ◽  
pp. 867-873
Author(s):  
Gregory C. Gray ◽  
Lawrence A. Palinkas ◽  
Patrick W. Kelley

Hospital records for 10 687 United States Army and Navy adult varicella (chickenpox) admissions were reviewed. Annual hospital admission rates for varicells increased more than fourfold in the active-duty army during 1980 to 1988 and more than 18-fold among active-duty navy enlisted personnel during 1975 to 1988. Fifty-seven percent of vanicella admissions occurred in the most junior military members, aged 17 to 20. More than half of the total vanicella admissions occurred in personnel with less than a year of military service. Multivariate analysis of the navy data confirmed increasing time-related trends of risk, suggesting a national temporal trend of increased vanicella susceptibility in US teenagers and young adults. Administering a safe and effective vanicella vaccine to army and navy recruits could prevent more than 7260 hospital-bed days during the first year of use.


SLEEP ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian A Moore ◽  
Lynn M Tison ◽  
Javier G Palacios ◽  
Alan L Peterson ◽  
Vincent Mysliwiec

Abstract Study Objectives Epidemiologic studies of obstructive sleep apnea (OSA) and insomnia in the U.S. military are limited. The primary aim of this study was to report and compare OSA and insomnia diagnoses in active duty the United States military service members. Method Data and service branch densities used to derive the expected rates of diagnoses on insomnia and OSA were drawn from the Defense Medical Epidemiology Database. Single sample chi-square goodness of fit tests and independent samples t-tests were conducted to address the aims of the study. Results Between 2005 and 2019, incidence rates of OSA and insomnia increased from 11 to 333 and 6 to 272 (per 10,000), respectively. Service members in the Air Force, Navy, and Marines were diagnosed with insomnia and OSA below expected rates, while those in the Army had higher than expected rates (p &lt; .001). Female service members were underdiagnosed in both disorders (p &lt; .001). Comparison of diagnoses following the transition from ICD 9 to 10 codes revealed significant differences in the amounts of OSA diagnoses only (p &lt; .05). Conclusion Since 2005, incidence rates of OSA and insomnia have markedly increased across all branches of the U.S. military. Despite similar requirements for overall physical and mental health and resilience, service members in the Army had higher rates of insomnia and OSA. This unexpected finding may relate to inherent differences in the branches of the military or the role of the Army in combat operations. Future studies utilizing military-specific data and directed interventions are required to reverse this negative trend.


Author(s):  
Amanda M. Nagel

In the midst of the long black freedom struggle, African American military participation in the First World War remains central to civil rights activism and challenges to systems of oppression in the United States. As part of a long and storied tradition of military service for a nation that marginalized and attempted to subjugate a significant portion of US citizens, African American soldiers faced challenges, racism, and segregation during the First World War simultaneously on the home front and the battlefields of France. The generations born since the end of the Civil War continually became more and more militant when resisting Jim Crow and insisting on full, not partial, citizenship in the United States, evidenced by the events in Houston in 1917. Support of the war effort within black communities in the United States was not universal, however, and some opposed participation in a war effort to “make the world safe for democracy” when that same democracy was denied to people of color. Activism by organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) challenged the War Department’s official and unofficial policy, creating avenues for a larger number of black officers in the US Army through the officers’ training camp created in Des Moines, Iowa. For African American soldiers sent to France with the American Expeditionary Forces (AEF), the potential for combat experience led to both failures and successes, leading to race pride as in the case of the 93rd Division’s successes, and skewed evidence for the War Department to reject increasing the number of black officers and enlisted in the case of the 92nd Division. All-black Regular Army regiments, meanwhile, either remained in the United States or were sent to the Philippines rather than the battlefields of Europe. However, soldiers’ return home was mixed, as they were both celebrated and rejected for their service, reflected in both parades welcoming them home and racial violence in the form of lynchings between December 1918 and January 1920. As a result, the interwar years and the start of World War II roughly two decades later renewed the desire to utilize military service as a way to influence US legal, social, cultural, and economic structures that limited African American citizenship.


Author(s):  
Howard G. Wilshire ◽  
Richard W. Hazlett ◽  
Jane E. Nielson

Since 1900, United States troops have fought in more foreign conflicts than any other nation on Earth. Most Americans supported those actions, believing that they would keep the scourge of war far from our homes. But the strategy seems to have failed—it certainly did not prevent terror attacks against the U.S. mainland. The savage Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 and the 11 September 2001 (9/11) attacks on New York and Washington, D.C. were not the first to inflict war damage in America’s 48 contiguous states, however—nor were they the first warlike actions to harm innocent citizens since the Civil War. Paradoxically, making war abroad has always required practicing warfare in our own back yards. Today’s large, mechanized military training exercises have degraded U.S. soils, water supplies, and wildlife habitats in the same ways that the real wars affected war-torn lands far away. The saddest fact of all is that the deadly components of some weapons in the U.S. arsenal never found use in foreign wars but have attacked U.S. citizens in their own homes and communities. The relatively egalitarian universal service of World War II left a whole generation of Americans with nostalgia and reverence for military service. Many of us, perhaps the majority, might argue that human and environmental sacrifices are the price we must be willing to pay to protect our interests and future security. A current political philosophy proposes that the United States must even start foreign wars to protect Americans and their homes. But Americans are not fully aware of all the past sacrifices—and what we don’t know can hurt us. Even decades-old impacts from military training still degrade land and contaminate air and water, particularly in the arid western states, and will continue to do so far into the future. Exploded and unexploded bombs, mines, and shells (“ordnance,” in military terms) and haphazard disposal sites still litter former training lands in western states. And large portions of the western United States remain playgrounds for war games, subject to large-scale, highly mechanized military operations for maintaining combat readiness and projecting American power abroad.


Author(s):  
Thomas J. Brown

This introduction traces antebellum American skepticism about public monuments to the distrust of standing armies that was central to the ideology of the American Revolution. The popularity of Independence Day illustrates the iconoclasm of the early republic, which paralleled a widespread resistance to compulsory military service. Remembrance of the Civil War vastly increased the number of public monuments in the United States. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, these memorials became a vehicle for the militarization of American culture.


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