Lexical access codes in visual word recognition: Are the joint effects of context and stimulus quality diagnostic?

2000 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 196-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ron Borowsky ◽  
Derek Besner
Keyword(s):  
Word Recognition ◽  
Visual Word Recognition ◽  
Lexical Access ◽  
Visual Word ◽  
Stimulus Quality ◽  
Joint Effects

The Effects of Frequency, Repetition and Stimulus Quality in Visual Word Recognition

1984 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 507-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Norris
Keyword(s):  
Word Recognition ◽  
Lexical Decision ◽  
Word Frequency ◽  
Visual Word Recognition ◽  
Visual Word ◽  
Stimulus Quality ◽  
Verification Model

This paper describes a lexical decision experiment, which examined the relation between word frequency, repetition and stimulus quality. In contrast to earlier studies (Stanners, Jastrzembski and Westbrook, 1975; Becker and Killion, 1977), frequency and stimulus quality were found to interact. The implications of this result for models of word recognition are discussed within the framework of Becker's verification model.

Interactions of stimulus quality and semantic context on N400 in visual word recognition

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Yong Zhang ◽  
Min Xie ◽  
Youguo Chen ◽  
Rongmin Xiong ◽  
Change Yue ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Word Recognition ◽  
Visual Word Recognition ◽  
Visual Processing ◽  
Semantic Context ◽  
Event Related Potential ◽  
Visual Word ◽  
Stimulus Quality ◽  
Target Character ◽  
Cascaded Model ◽  
Target Probe

Abstract The joint effects of stimulus quality and semantic context in visual word recognition were examined with event-related potential (ERP) recordings. In one-character Chinese word recognition, we manipulated stimulus quality at two degradation levels (highly vs. slightly degraded) and semantic context at two priming levels (semantically related vs. unrelated). In a prime–target–probe trial flow, ERPs were recorded to the target character which was presented in either high or slight degradation and which was preceded by either a semantically related or unrelated prime character. The target character was then followed by a probe character which was either identical to or different from the target character. Subjects were instructed to make target–probe matching judgments. The ERP results demonstrated a degradation by priming interaction, with larger N400 semantic priming effects for slightly degraded targets. Moreover, the degradation effects were observed on the P200, N250, and N400. These findings provided evidence for the cascaded model of visual word recognition such that the visual processing cascaded into the semantic stage and thus interacted on the N400 amplitude. The results were compared to an earlier study with a null ERP degradation by priming interaction. The ramifications of these results for models of visual word recognition are discussed.

scholarly journals Processamento do verbo francês através da decomposição lexical

2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Gustavo Lopez Estivalet ◽  
Fanny Elise Meunier
Keyword(s):  
Word Recognition ◽  
Visual Word Recognition ◽  
Lexical Access ◽  
Visual Word ◽  
Decision Task ◽  
Semantic Access ◽  
Morphological Model ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Hierarchical Structure ◽  
Processing Differences

<p>O presente trabalho realizou uma investigação psicolinguística da decomposição morfológica verbal no acesso lexical em francês. Aplicou-se um experimento de decisão lexical visual com diferentes tipos de estruturas verbais como estímulos, a fim de identificar os processos de decomposição lexical, a estrutura hierárquica do verbo francês e o processamento dos diferentes morfemas para o acesso lexical no reconhecimento visual de verbos. Testaram-se diferentes tipos de verbos e pseudoverbos com as seguintes estruturas: a. morfologicamente ilegais (*<em>abrou</em>), b. contendo somente base existente (*<em>[aim]ou</em>), c. contendo somente sufixo flexional existente (*<em>abr[ons]</em>), d. inexistentes mas morfologicamente legais (*<em>[aim][ir]</em>) e e. existentes e morfologicamente legais (<em>[[aim][ons]]</em>). Ainda, testaram-se verbos com: a. um (<em>aim[ons]</em>) ou b. dois (<em>aim[i][ons]</em>) sufixos flexionais, e a mesma testagem foi feita com pseudoverbos (*<em>abr[ons]</em>, *<em>abr[i][ons]</em>), para identificar diferenças no processamento morfossintático. As análises estatísticas apresentaram diferenças significativas entre pseudoverbos contendo apenas base existente e verbos existentes, e entre pseudoverbos contendo apenas sufixo flexional existente e verbos inexistentes mas morfologicamente legais. Houve diferenças significativas em relação ao número de sufixos flexionais nos pseudoverbos contendo somente sufixo flexional existente, assim como nos verbos existentes e morfologicamente legais. Assim, esse estudo estabeleceu a hierarquia do processamento dos diferentes morfemas que constituem o verbo francês. Os resultados mostram que todos os verbos do francês são passíveis de decomposição, sendo primeiramente decompostos em base e sufixos flexionais e posteriormente possuem seu morfema lexical da base ativado para o acesso semântico. A presente investigação sugere um modelo de decomposição morfológica completa em unidades mínimas para o acesso lexical e reconhecimento visual do verbo francês.</p><p>This study conducted a psycholinguistic investigation of the verbal morphological decomposition in French lexical access. It was applied a visual lexical decision task experiment with different types of verbal structures as stimuli to identify the word decompositional processes, the hierarchical structure of the French verb, and the processing of the different morphemes for lexical access in visual word recognition. The different structures of verbs and pseudoverbs tested were: a. morphologically illegal (*<em>abrou</em>), b. only existent base (*<em>[aim] ou</em>), c. only existent inflectional suffix (*<em>abr[ons]</em>), d. inexistent but morphologically legal (*<em>[aim][ir]</em>), and e. existent and morphologically legal (<em>[[aim][ons]]</em>). It was also tested verbs with: a. one (<em>aim[ons]</em>) or b. two (<em>aim[i][ons]</em>) inflectional suffixes, and the same test was made on pseudoverbs (*<em>abr[ons]</em>, *<em>abr[i][ons]</em>), in order to identify the morphosyntactic processing differences. The statistical analyses showed significant differences between pseudoverbs containing only existent base and existent verbs, and between pseudoverbs containing only existent inflectional suffix and inexistent but morphologically legal verbs. Still, there were significant differences in relation to the number of inflectional suffixes in pseudoverbs containing only existent inflectional suffix and in existent and morphologically legal verbs. Therefore, this study establishes the processing hierarchy of the different morphemes concatenated in the French verb. Finally, the results indicate that all verbs are decomposable, being early decomposed into base and inflectional suffixes and later have the base lexical morpheme activated for semantic access. Overall, the present investigation suggests a full decompositional morphological model in minimal units for the lexical access and visual word recognition on French verbs.</p>

Does Viotin Activate Violin More Than Viocin?

2014 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Perea ◽  
Victoria Panadero
Keyword(s):  
Word Recognition ◽  
Visual Word Recognition ◽  
Developmental Dyslexia ◽  
Computational Models ◽  
Error Rates ◽  
Visual Word ◽  
Base Word ◽  
Similar Response ◽  
Skilled Readers ◽  
Young Readers

The vast majority of neural and computational models of visual-word recognition assume that lexical access is achieved via the activation of abstract letter identities. Thus, a word’s overall shape should play no role in this process. In the present lexical decision experiment, we compared word-like pseudowords like viotín (same shape as its base word: violín) vs. viocín (different shape) in mature (college-aged skilled readers), immature (normally reading children), and immature/impaired (young readers with developmental dyslexia) word-recognition systems. Results revealed similar response times (and error rates) to consistent-shape and inconsistent-shape pseudowords for both adult skilled readers and normally reading children – this is consistent with current models of visual-word recognition. In contrast, young readers with developmental dyslexia made significantly more errors to viotín-like pseudowords than to viocín-like pseudowords. Thus, unlike normally reading children, young readers with developmental dyslexia are sensitive to a word’s visual cues, presumably because of poor letter representations.

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