The influence of regulatory focus on standardized test performance

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Quinn Rosenzweig ◽  
David Miele
2002 ◽  
Vol 2002 (1) ◽  
pp. i-46
Author(s):  
Donald E. Powers ◽  
Wendy Albertson ◽  
Thomas Florek ◽  
Kathy Johnson ◽  
John Malak ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
LaTasha R Holden ◽  
Kerri A. Goodwin ◽  
Andrew R. A. Conway

Stereotype threat (ST) occurs when individuals primed with negative stereotypes underperform relative to a control group. The current work considers individual differences in ST effects on real world measures like standardized test performance (SDTP). Working Memory Capacity (WMC) is investigated as a mediator and/or moderator of ST for race/ethnicity. Findings revealed a lack of strong evidence for the effect of ST. However, we demonstrated that trait WMC moderates ST for race such that higher WMC is associated with higher scores on standardized tests under conditions of race related ST. For future work on ST, we consider replication issues as well as the importance of WMC for performance under ST including how WMC and SDTP have been shown to improve through implementing self-regulation and mindfulness.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
LaTasha R Holden ◽  
Bear Goldstein

There has been extensive research conducted on mindset, involving both experimental and observational methods. However, the findings in the literature remain mixed. This should give educators and researchers pause from an intervention perspective —if we still do not have a good understanding of how mindset works, then more research is needed. To better understand how mindset interventions work, we looked at self-report measures as well as post-intervention behavior within and across individuals. We implemented a mindset intervention to improve cognitive performance measures relevant to academic performance—working memory capacity and standardized test performance in math. We also explored individual differences in academic attitudes (e.g., academic identification and sense of belonging in university) that might moderate students’ mindset and the effect of the mindset intervention on subsequent cognitive performance. We expected the malleable mindset intervention to significantly improve cognitive performance and to cause more positive academic attitudes and attitudinal change. The mindset intervention did change students’ beliefs about ability but also caused students to report higher grit (no condition difference), and to feel less belonging in terms of connection to their university—which was not in line with our hypotheses. We also found that the malleable mindset intervention had no significant effects on improving WMC or standardized test performance. We discuss the implications of these findings and make suggestions for future work in this area.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lily Lamboy ◽  
Amanda Lu

In recent years, ‘No Excuses’ charter schools have been hailed as a promising solution to closing the ‘achievement gap’ between low-income students of color and their high-income White peers. These schools, which have the explicit goal of college completion for all, measure success in terms of standardized test performance and college acceptance rates. Schools use rigid instructional and disciplinary practices to achieve success along these dimensions. And they are broadly successful, boasting test scores and college acceptance rates that are higher than average for the students they serve. For this reason, No Excuses schools are proliferating rapidly, dominating the educational landscape in low-income minority-serving urban districts. In this article, we argue that a focus on these standardized test performance and college acceptance drives schools to participate in practices that may impede other essential aspects of student learning and development. We outline a research agenda for social scientists, philosophers, and policymakers interested in evaluating the holistic success of these schools. We focus on four key components: the goal of college-for-all itself and its effects on student outcomes, instructional practices geared toward success on standardized exams, disciplinary practices that demand rigid physical and psychological conformity and punish minor infractions, and teacher practices that traumatize students and/or fail to meet the needs of students who encounter significant trauma in their homes and neighborhoods. We conclude that more information is needed before reformers can embrace No Excuses schools as a mechanism for eradicating inequality and promoting educational and psychosocial growth for students in poor communities of color. This research agenda is urgent as No Excuses charter networks are growing rapidly, and we urge policymakers and social scientists to take this task seriously before continuing to charter these schools wholesale.


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