scholarly journals Reluctant Nationalists, Imperial Nation-State, and Neo-Ottomanism: Turks, Albanians, and the Antinomies of the End of Empire

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 835-870 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nader Sohrabi
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
State Building ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Causal Connection ◽  
World War ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
North And South

Nationalism's role in the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire is re-examined. Traditionalists blamed the breakdown on the extreme nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) while today's orthodoxy attributes it to the external contingency of the Balkan Wars and World War I instead. This article looks at the onerous state-building and mild nation-building demands put forth by the CUP toward the Albanians. The Albanian resistance created unstable coalitions that broadened to include north and south, and tempered religion in favor of ethnicity, but fell short of demanding independence. The First Balkan War forced a vulnerable Albania to reluctantly declare independence for which it had made contingent plans. The Ottoman center refused to change course and its pursuit of an imperial nation-state prompted other populations to think and act more ethnically than ever before and draw up their own contingent plans. The concept of ethnicity without groups (Brubaker) and the causal connection between state-building and nationalism (Hechter) are critically assessed in the Ottoman context.

“Population Politics” at the End of Empire: Migration and Sovereignty in Ottoman Eastern Rumelia, 1877–1886

2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 955-985
Author(s):  
Anna M. Mirkova
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
State Building ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Population Politics

AbstractThis article explores the migrations of Turkish Muslims after the 1878 Peace Treaty of Berlin, which severed much of the Balkans from the Ottoman Empire as fully independent nation-states or as nominally dependent polities in the borderlands of the empire. I focus on one such polity—the administratively autonomous Ottoman province of Eastern Rumelia—which, in wrestling to reconcile liberal principles of equality and political representation understood in ethno-religious terms, prompted emigration of Turkish Muslims while enabling Bulgarian Christian hegemony. Scholars have studied Muslim emigration from the Balkans as the Ottoman Empire gradually lost hold of the region, emphasizing deleterious effects of nationalism and aggressive state-building in the region. Here I look at migration at empire's end, and more specifically at the management of migration as constitutive of sovereignty. The Ottoman government asserted its suzerainty by claiming to protect the rights of Eastern Rumelia's Muslims. The Bulgarian dominated administration of Eastern Rumelia claimed not only administrative but also political autonomy by trying to contain the grievances of Turkish Muslims as a domestic issue abused by ill-meaning outsiders, all the while insisting that the province protected the rights of all subjects. Ultimately, a “corporatist” model of subjecthood obtained in Eastern Rumelia, which fused the traditional religious categorization of Ottoman subjects with an ethnic one under the umbrella of representative government. The tension between group belonging and individual politicization that began unfolding in Eastern Rumelia became a major dilemma of the post-Ottoman world and other post-imperial societies after World War I.

ATROCITY PROPAGANDA AND THE NATIONALIZATION OF THE MASSES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE DURING THE BALKAN WARS (1912–13)

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-778 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y. Doğan Çetinkaya
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Home Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Turkish Language ◽  
Late Ottoman

AbstractDuring the Balkan Wars (1912–13), the mobilization of the home front became significant for the belligerent states, which initiated propaganda activities demonizing their enemies and galvanizing the emotions of their publics. This paper explores one type of such mobilization efforts from above, atrocity propaganda, through which states sought to invoke hatred and mobilize public support for war by focusing on the atrocities (mezalim) that their coreligionists had suffered at the hands of enemies. Although the term “atrocity propaganda” has been used exclusively in the context of World War I in the historiography, the practice it describes was effectively utilized during the earlier Balkan Wars. In the Ottoman Empire, both state and civil initiatives played crucial roles in the making of atrocity propaganda, which was disseminated through intense coverage in the Turkish-language press. The imagery it employed shifted with the onset of the wars, becoming increasingly shocking. Atrocity propaganda contributed to the well-known radicalization of nationalism in the late Ottoman Empire.

scholarly journals Some colours and some lust that’s who you are: Cenap Sahabettin and four travels around Ottoman’s “Orient”Biraz renk biraz şehvet o sensin işte: Cenap Şahabettin ve Osmanlı’nın “Orient”inde dört gezinti

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 72
Author(s):  
İrfan Karakoç
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Logic ◽  
Literary Movement ◽  
Travel Books ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common

<p>Cenap Şahabettin (1871-1934) is generally accepted as a part of the Servet-i Fünûn literary movement which was popular between 1896 and 1901 in the Ottoman Empire. He is well-known as a poet but he had written prose as well. He worked for the Ottoman government as a high ranking executive in Arabic countries and wrote several books during his mission and ensuing travels. <em>Hac Yolunda</em> (On the way to Mecca), <em>Âfâk-ı Irak</em> (Horizons of Iraq) are his travel books. He also published two travel notes under the titles of “Suriye Mektupları” (Letters from Syria) and <em>Beyrut, Filistin ve Nablus İzlenimleri 1918</em> (Impressions from Beirut, Palestine and Nablus 1918). This article focuses mainly on the abovementioned works of the writer. All the works were written between 1896 and 1918, and this period in the history was quite an important one for the Middle East and the Ottoman Empire where significant historical events occurred. The Ottoman Empire was coming to an end, the World War I was effecting every aspect of life and Middle East was taking a new shape. Subject matter of this work, as a result of the period, bound to mention modernity, identity policies, and nation building discourses and practices. These works are important since they provide enough information to find out the writer’s attitude towards the local Arabs, his approach to the common, conventional prejudices, and his own newly created biases. Edward Said’s Orientalism, Ussama Makdisi’s “Rethinking Ottoman Imperialism: Modernity, Violence and the Cultural Logic of Ottoman Reform” and “Ottoman Orientalism” and Selim Deringil’s <em>The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire 1876-1909</em> are the main works that used to examine the texts in hand in details.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Özet</strong></p><p>Edebiyat tarihçileri tarafından Servet-i Fünûn dönemi edebiyatı (1896-1901) içerisinde değerlendirilen, düzyazı eserleri olmakla birlikte daha çok şairliğiyle tanınan Cenap Şahabettin (1871-1934), Osmanlı yönetimi altındaki Arap ülkelerinde uzun yıllar yönetici olarak çalışmıştır. Bu görevlerinin ve daha sonra yaptığı seyahatlerin ürünü olarak da <em>Hac Yolunda </em>adlı kitabı<em>, Âfâk-ı Irak</em>, “Suriye Mektupları” ve son olarak ise Beyrut, <em>Filistin ve Nablus İzlenimleri 1918</em> adıyla bir araya getirilen seyahat notlarını yayımlamıştır.</p><p>Bu çalışma, Cenap Şahabettin’in adı geçen eserlerini odağa almayı amaçlamaktadır. Kuşkusuz bu eserlerin anlatı mekânı Orta Doğu’dur ve yazılar 1896-1918 gibi bölge ve dünya siyaseti için çok önemli tarihler arasında üretilmiştir. Konu Osmanlı’nın son yılları, I. Dünya Savaşı, Orta Doğu gibi hem siyasal hem de tarihsel mekânları içerdiğinden ilk akla gelen konular elbette modernleşme, kimlik politikaları ve uluslaşma süreci söylem ve pratikleri olacaktır. İşte bu bağlamdan hareketle, önemli bir Osmanlı şairinin kimlik algısını belirlemek, bölge insanına özellikle de Arap halklarına bakışını, üretilmiş imgelere yaklaşımını görmek, kendi ürettiği imgeleri yorumlamak açısından belirtilen eserler ve yazılar büyük değer taşımaktadır. Bu metinler, özellikle Edward Said’in  <em>Şarkiyatçılık: Batının Şark Anlayışları</em> adlı kitabı, Ussama Makdisi’nin “Rethinking Ottoman Imperialism: Modernity, Violence and the Cultural Logic of Ottoman Reform” ile “Ottoman Orientalism” yazıları ve Selim Deringil’in <em>İktidarın Sembolleri ve İdeoloji: II. Abdülhamid Dönemi (1876-1909)</em> adlı çalışması temel alınarak yorumlanacaktır.</p>

A nest for new Lithuanians: Hostels, discipline and nation-building in Ober Ost and Russia, 1914–1919

2021 ◽  
pp. 161189442199471
Author(s):  
Andrea Griffante
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
Educational Activities ◽  
Financial Conditions ◽  
Child Relief

World War I represented a turning point not only for the emergence of the Lithuanian nation-state but also for the implementation of nation-building practices. Throughout wartime, the Lithuanian War Relief Committee profited from its position as a tool to develop a network of facilities devoted to children assistance. While having unprecedented rights to autonomously administer relief facilities, the Committee, as far as financial conditions allowed it, supported isolation in hostels as the favourite child relief format. Through formal and informal educational activities as well as the adoption of particular hygiene norms and, later, children relocation, the Lithuanian élite tried and transformed hostels and relief in veritable tools of nation-building aimed at transforming children in would-be conscious nationals. The goal to create prototypical Lithuanians, however, at least partially failed due by children’s alternative (if not opposite) agency.

Enemies within, Enemies without: the Ideology of a Conservative West-Russianist Newspaper During World War I (1914–1915)

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-103
Author(s):  
Aliaksandr Bystryk
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
National Solidarity ◽  
North Western

Abstract This paper deals with the topic of conservative West-Russianist ideology and propaganda during World War I. The author analyzes the most prominent newspaper of the movement at the time – Severo-Zapadnaia Zhizn (The North-Western Life). The discourse of the newspaper is analyzed from the perspective of Belarusian nation-building, as well as from the perspective of Russian nationalism in the borderlands. The author explores the ways in which the creators of the periodical tried to use the rise of the Russian patriotic feelings to their advantage. Appealing to the heightened sense of national solidarity which took over parts of Russian society, the periodical tried to attack, delegitimize and discredit its ideological and political opponents. Besides the obvious external enemy – Germans, Severo-Zapadnaia Zhizn condemned socialists, pacifists, Jews, borderland Poles, Belarusian and Ukrainian national activists, Russian progressives and others, accusing them of disloyalty, lack of patriotism and sometimes even treason. Using nationalist loyalist rhetoric, the West-Russianist newspaper urged the imperial government to act more decisively in its campaign to end ‘alien domination’ in Russian Empire, and specifically to create conditions for domination of ‘native Russian element’ – meaning Belarusian peasantry, in the Belarusian provinces of the empire.

Ukraine and the Challenges of Post-Totalitarian Transit (1990-2019)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Holovko ◽  
◽  
Larysa Yakubova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Essential Feature ◽  
State Building ◽  
Self Awareness ◽  
World War ◽  
Successful Completion ◽  
Wide Audience ◽  
The Third ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of

The key problems of nation- and state-building are revealed in the concept of the chronotope of the Ukrainian “long twentieth century,” which is a hybrid projection of the “long nineteenth century.” An essential feature of this stage in the history of Ukraine and Ukrainians is the realization of the intentions of socioeconomic, ethnocultural and political emancipation: in fact, the end of the Ukrainian revolution, which began in the context of World War I and the destruction of the colonial system. The third book tells about the contradictions of post-Soviet transit. The three modern revolutions, the development of “oligarchic republics,” the subjectivization of Ukraine in the world through self-awareness of the European choice are visible manifestations of the final stage of the century-old Ukrainian revolution and anti-colonial liberation war. The essential transformations of the Ukrainian project are understood in the broad optics of post-totalitarian transit, the successful completion of which now rules for the national idea of Ukraine. For a wide audience.

THE RUSSIAN CONSUL IN DAMASCUS PRINCE BORIS N. SHAKHOVSKOY’S ROLE IN INTERFAITH PEACE ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2020 ◽  
pp. 162-178
Author(s):  
Aleksei V. Sarabiev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Interfaith Relations ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Sharia Law ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Common ◽  
Foreign Ministry ◽  
First World

Prince Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926), the Russian consul in Damascus from 1907 until the First World War, left to his descendants a legacy of attentive and balanced diplomacy. His reports to the Russian Embassy in Constantinople and to the 1st Division of the Foreign Ministry contain invaluable information shedding light on interfaith relations in the Syrian regions of the Ottoman Empire on the eve and after of the Young Turk Revolution, as well as on the early months of the so-called Great War (WWI). The article analyzes the messages of the diplomat on various aspects of the religious situation in the region. He considered the activities of the Islamist organization Muslim League in Damascus, which aimed at enforcing Sharia law throughout Syrian society and countering non-Muslim and European influence in the region. An anxious change in interfaith relations is being evaluated, when Muslim suspicion towards Christians grew, aggravated by the common conscription in the context of the Tripolitan and two Balkan wars. The consul attentively followed the problems of the participation of the Orthodox Arabs in the Ottoman institutions, as well as the attempts to join the English Old-Catholics to Orthodoxy, acting through Metropolitan of Beirut. Of historical interest is also the information about the transition of the Syrian Jacobites to Catholicism, as well as notes on the Catholic missions activities in the region. All these issues in the Syrian soil are viewed by the diplomat through the prism of competition between European powers, especially France and Italy.

THE BRITISH MANDATE AND THE UPRISING OF 1920 IN IRAQ

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (73) (1) ◽  
pp. 140-153
Author(s):  
S. S. Shchevelev
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Middle East ◽  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Initial Period ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

The article examines the initial period of the mandate administration of Iraq by Great Britain, the anti-British uprising of 1920. The chronological framework covers the period from May 1916 to October 1921 and includes an analysis of events in the Middle East from May 1916, when the secret agreement on the division of the territories of the Ottoman Empire after the end of World War I (the Sykes-Picot agreement) was concluded before the proclamation of Faisal as king of Iraq and from the formation of the country՚s government. This period is a key one in the Iraqi-British relations at the turn of the 10-20s of the ХХ century. The author focuses on the Anglo-French negotiations during the First World War, on the eve and during the Paris Peace Conference on the division of the territory of the Ottoman Empire and the ownership of the territories in the Arab zone. During these negotiations, it was decided to transfer the mandates for Syria (with Lebanon) to the France, and Palestine and Mesopotamia (Iraq) to Great Britain. The British in Iraq immediately faced strong opposition from both Sunnis and Shiites, resulting in an anti-English uprising in 1920. The author describes the causes, course and consequences of this uprising.

scholarly journals ايزيديو شنكال والأرمن 1914-1918 دراسة في موقف الايزيديين من المذابح الأرمنية

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saeed Khudeda Alo
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Military Campaign

ملخص البحث:يعتبر الأرمن من احد الجماعات العرقية المميزة التي عاشت في الدولة العثمانية، قاموا بتاسيس جمعيات سياسية في القرن التاسع عشر تلك الجمعيات التي سعت الى تأسيس دولة قومية للارمن بمساعدة الغرب كان ذلك من الاساب الرئيسة الى تعرضهم الى الإبادة الجماعية من قبل الدولة العثمانية. وخلال سنوات الحرب العالمية الأولى توجه الاتراك الى اتباع سياسة قومية وذلك نتيجة لتطورات الحرب فكانت النتيجة تهجير الأرمن من مناطقهم وقيام الاتراك بمذابح منظمة ضدهم، لكن هناك مجموعات تمكنت من النجاة من تلك المذابح والتوجه الى العراق وخاصة الى سنجارحيث قام أهلها من الايزيدييين باستقبال الأرمن ومساعدتهم في محنتهم وبناء البيوت ،من الطين، لهم وإيجاد العمل لهم آنذاك لكي يستطيعوا من استمرار حياتهم. لكن موقف الايزيديين هذا مع الأرمن دفع بالاتراك الى القيام بتوجيه حملة عسكرية الى سنجار أدت الى قتل الكثير من الأهالي ونهبت ودمرت قراهم وتركت اثار سلبية على المنطقة. The Yezidis from Sinjar and the Armenians. 1914-1918A study in the Yezidi position with regards to the Armenian Genocide.The Armenians are reputed to be one of the most distinguished ethnic groups which lived during the rule of the Ottoman Empire.During the nineteenth century they established political societies whose raison d' etre was to pursue the founding of a nation-state for Armenia, backed by Western aid and support.Their political endeavours were one of the main reasons for their genocide under the Ottoman Empire. During World War one, the Turks pursued their own national policy, resulting in the displacement of the Armenians from their territories and targeted massacres against them. There were those who succeeded in escaping theTurkish massacres and fled to Iraq, most particularly the area of Sinjar. The Yezidis from Sinjar welcomed the Armenians and aided them in their process of resettlement, building of mud houses and finding employment. The aid extended by the Yezidi community of Sinjar to the Armenian displaced, caused the Turks to launch a military campaign against Sinjar, looting and destroying villages and murdering many that wreaked havoc upon the region.

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