Unequal Positions: A Relational Approach to Racial Inequality Trends in the US States, 1940–2010

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah K. Bruch ◽  
Aaron J. Rosenthal ◽  
Joe Soss

Racial inequality remains a painful and central feature of daily life in the United States. Yet few would deny that decades of political struggle have transformed the nation’s racial landscape. In this article, we seek to advance long-standing sociological efforts to disentangle this braiding of persistence and change. Specifically, we intervene in two ways designed to build on national studies of inequality trends for black and white Americans. First, by shifting measurement to the state level, we reveal distinctive subnational trajectories and dynamics of convergence that have been obscured by the field’s emphasis on aggregate national trends. Second, by drawing on relational theories of boundaries and positions, we develop a new empirical strategy for measuring racial inequalities over time. Identifying two key analytic dimensions (exclusion and subordination), we analyze the relative positions of whites and blacks in two domains (work and housing) across the decades from 1940 to 2010. Our results suggest that racial inequalities rooted in boundary-based dynamics of social closure (exclusion) proved far more durable than inequalities tied to inferior positions alone (subordination). Moreover, we find evidence of a significant nationalization of racial relations, with subnational units converging on a more uniform structure of racialized relations over time. We conclude that the period from 1940 to 2010 was marked by a “consolidation” of racial exclusion (i.e., convergence around relatively stable levels of inequality) paired with the comparatively greater “equalization” of racial subordination (i.e., stronger convergence around more substantial declines).

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 527-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candis Watts Smith ◽  
Rebecca J. Kreitzer ◽  
Feiya Suo

Although many scholars who study the role of racial animus in Americans’ political attitudes and policy preferences do so to help us understand national-level politics, (racialized) policy is largely shaped at the state level. States are laboratories of policy innovation whose experiments can exacerbate or ameliorate racial inequality. In this article, we develop state-level scores of racial resentment. By using linear multilevel regression and poststratification weighting techniques and by linking nationally representative survey data with US Census data, we create time-varying, dynamic state-level estimates of racial resentment from 1988 to 2016. These measures enable us to explore the extent to which subnational levels of racial attitudes fluctuate over time and to provide a comparative analysis of state-level racial resentment scores across space and time. We find that states’ levels of racial animus change slowly, with some exhibiting increases over time while others do just the opposite. Southern states’ reputation for having the highest levels of racial resentment has been challenged by states across various regions of the United States. Many states had their lowest levels of symbolic racism decades ago, contrary to the traditional American narrative of racial progress.


Circulation ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 141 (Suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anshul Saxena ◽  
Muni Rubens ◽  
Venkataraghavan Ramamoorthy ◽  
Sankalp Das ◽  
Chintan B Bhatt ◽  
...  

Background: Major adverse cardiovascular and cerebrovascular events (MACCE) are significant causes of perioperative morbidity and mortality but, the incidence and effects following cancer surgeries are unknown. The aims of this study were to evaluate national trends in MACCE after major cancer surgeries and to identify cancer types associated with cardiovascular events using a large national database. Methods: Patients who had major cancer surgeries from 2005 to 2014 were identified from the National Inpatient Sample database. Hospitalizations for surgeries for cancer of prostate, bladder, esophagus, pancreas, lung, liver, breast, colon and rectum were identified by ICD9 diagnosis and procedure codes. The main outcome was perioperative MACCE, defined as in-hospital, all-cause death, acute myocardial infarction (AMI), or acute ischemic stroke, and was evaluated over time. Results: Among 2,854,810 hospitalizations for major cancer surgeries, perioperative MACCE occurred in 67,316 hospitalizations (2.4%). Mean (SE) age of patients was 65.4 (0.07) years and 54.2% were male patients. MACCE occurred most frequently in patients undergoing surgeries for lung (6.8%), pancreatic (4.5%), and colorectal (3.3%) cancers. Between 2005 and 2014, the frequency of MACCE declined from 2.7% to 2.2% ( P <0.001) and was driven by a decline in the frequency of perioperative death ( P <0.001) and AMI ( P = 0.002). However, no significant changes were observed for acute ischemic stroke ( P = 0.6) during the study period. Conclusion: Perioperative MACCE occurs in 1 out of every 42 hospitalizations for major cancer surgeries. Despite reductions in the rate of death and AMI among patients undergoing major cardiac surgeries, perioperative ischemic stroke remained constant over time. The lack of improvements in perioperative ischemic stroke rate is concerning and requires additional interventions. Significant efforts should be directed towards improving cardiovascular care during the perioperative period of cancer surgeries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (17) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Marlene Almeida De Ataide

O presente artigo tem como objetivo refletir criticamente acerca da categoria juventude negra que vive em condições precárias e que permanece à margem da sociedade, pois encontra dificuldades para existir como sujeitos de direitos no que se refere à inclusão no âmbito das políticas públicas consagradas de direitos, pois essas atuam de costas para esses jovens. Parte-se do pressuposto de que o racismo e as desigualdades sociais se constituem nos principais fatores que influenciam e que atingem principalmente as juventudes negras e pobres expressas a partir da segregação sócio-espacial, da discriminação racial e da vivência de pobreza. Os jovens afrodescendentes, além de vivenciarem as dificuldades tradicionais impostas socialmente, encontram barreiras adicionais devido às relações sociorraciais brasileiras. Assim, neste artigo, busca-se um espaço de reflexão, partindo do princípio de que as políticas públicas de cunho universalista têm um papel importante na redução da pobreza, porém limitado no combate à desigualdade racial. Em decorrência disso, somente com a adoção de políticas específicas é que se logrará reverter o quadro da iniquidade racial. Um dos grandes desafios que se impõe ao Estado brasileiro é de criar condições mais igualitárias para a inclusão de jovens no âmbito das políticas públicas de direitos que se destinam a eles.Palavras chave: Juventude. Juventude negra. Desigualdades raciais. Políticas públicas.Black youth(s) and the reproduction of racial inequalities in Brazil: public policies for equality? AbstractThis article aims to reflect critically about black youth category living in poor conditions and remain on the margins of society, for they find it difficult to exist as subjects of rights with regard to the inclusion in the scope of the dedicated public rights policies because they operate with his back to these young people. This is on the assumption that racism and social inequality constitute the main factors that influence and primarily affects poor black youths expressed from the socio-spatial segregation, racial discrimination and poverty of experience The young African descent as well as experience traditional difficulties imposed socially; are additional barriers due to the Brazilian socio-racial relations. So in this article, we seek a space for reflection, assuming that public policies of universal nature play an important role in reducing poverty, but limited in combating racial inequality; as a result, only with the adoption of specific policies is that it will achieve reverse the situation of racial inequality. A major challenge that requires the Brazilian government is towards creating more equal conditions for the inclusion of young people within the public policy of rights that are meant to them.Keywords: Youth. Black youth. Racial inequalities. Public policy.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron J Kruse-Diehr ◽  
Justin T McDaniel ◽  
Marquita W Lewis-Thames ◽  
Aimee James ◽  
Musa Yahaya

Abstract Background Few studies have examined the effects of segregation on colorectal cancer (CRC) outcomes, and none has determined if rurality moderates the effect of segregation on CRC mortality. We examined whether the effect of segregation on CRC mortality was moderated by rurality in the Mississippi Delta Region, an economically distressed and historically segregated region of the United States. Methods Using data from the US Census Bureau and the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) program, we estimated linear mixed-effects models with state-level random effects in which Black and White CRC mortality rates in Delta Region counties (N = 252) were regressed on county rurality, White-Black residential segregation indices, an interaction term for these two variables, and a vector of socioeconomic control variables. Missing data were replaced with values generated via random forest imputation. Results Segregation was a risk factor for Black CRC mortality in urban Delta counties but was associated with lower Black CRC mortality in rural counties (B = − 23.30 [95% CI = − 38.51, − 7.92]). For Whites, living in a rural area did not moderate the relationship between segregation and CRC mortality, though White CRC mortality was inversely associated with White population proportion (B = − 7.12 [95% CI = − 10.66, − 3.43]). Conclusions Health outcomes related to segregation vary by racial, contextual and community factors. We give possible explanations for our findings and provide implications for practice and recommendations for further research to better understand the CRC mortality burden in segregated communities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Rizzo ◽  
Tobias Britton ◽  
Marjorie Rhodes

Anti-Black racism remains a pervasive crisis in the United States today. Racist social systems are rooted in prejudicial beliefs that reinforce and perpetuate racial inequalities. These beliefs have their developmental origins in early childhood and are difficult to change once entrenched in adolescence and adulthood. What causes children to form prejudicial beliefs and racial biases—and what steps can be taken to preempt them from forming—remain open questions. Here we show that children’s exposure to and beliefs about racial inequalities predict the formation of anti-Black biases in a sample of 712 White children (4-8 years) living across the United States. Drawing from constructivist theories in developmental science, we outline a novel account of the emergence of racial bias in early childhood: As children observe racial inequalities in the world around them, they develop beliefs about the causal factors underlying those inequalities. Children who believe that inequalities reflect the inherent superiority/inferiority of racial groups develop biases that perpetuate this worldview, whereas those who recognize the extrinsic causes of racial inequalities develop attitudes geared towards rectification. Our results demonstrate the importance of early intervention to disrupt problematic beliefs before they emerge and highlight children’s awareness of structural racism as an important target for anti-racist intervention.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Mauricio Santillana ◽  
Roy H. Perlis ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
...  

The current state of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States is dire, with circumstances in the Upper Midwest particularly grim. In contrast, multiple countries around the world have shown that temporary changes in human behavior and consistent precautions, such as effective testing, contact tracing, and isolation, can slow transmission of COVID-19, allowing local economies to remain open and societal activities to approach normalcy as of today. These include island countries such as New Zealand, Taiwan, Iceland and Australia, and continental countries such as Norway, Uruguay, Thailand, Finland, and South Korea. These successes demonstrate that coordinated action to change behavior can control the pandemic. In this report, we evaluate how the human behaviors that have been shown to inhibit the spread of COVID-19 have evolved across the US since April, 2020.Our report is based on surveys that the COVID States Project has been conducting approximately every month since April in all 50 US states plus the District of Columbia. We address four primary questions:1) What are the national trends in social distancing behaviors and mask wearing since April?2) What are the trends among particular population subsets?3) What are the trends across individual states plus DC?4) What is the relationship, at the state level, between social distancing behaviors and mask wearing with the current prevalence of COVID-19?


2015 ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amber D. Tripodi ◽  
Allen L. Szalanski

Many species of bumble bees (Hymenoptera: Apidae: Bombus Latreille) are declining throughout their ranges in North America, yet detecting population trends can be difficult when historical survey data are lacking.  In the present study, contemporary data is compared to a 1965 survey to detect changes in bumble bee distributions throughout Arkansas.  Using county-level records as a point of comparison to look for changes in state-wide occurrence among species over time, we find that state-level changes reflect national trends.  Contemporary records of Bombus bimaculatus Cresson and B. impatiens Cresson have more than tripled, while records for B. pensylvanicus (De Geer) show a decline to 61% of historical levels.  Although B. fervidus (Fabricius) has been reported infrequently in the state, misidentifications may have led to an overestimation of the state’s species richness.  In addition to an updated assessment of the bumble bees of Arkansas, we also provide new, localized information on the seasonal phenology and plant preferences of each species that can be used to guide conservation efforts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 232-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Knopov ◽  
Michael Siegel ◽  
Ziming Xuan ◽  
Emily F Rothman ◽  
Shea W Cronin ◽  
...  

Abstract This study aimed to investigate the potential differential effects of state-level firearm laws on black and white populations. Using a panel design, authors examined the relationship between state firearm laws and homicide victimization rates among white people and black people in 39 states during the period between 1991 and 2016. Authors modeled homicide rates using linear regression with year and state fixed effects and controlled for a range of time-varying, state-level factors. Results showed that universal background check laws and permit requirement laws were associated with lower homicide rates among both white and black populations, and “shall issue” laws were associated with higher homicide rates among both white and black populations. Laws that prohibit firearm possession among people convicted of a violent misdemeanor or require relinquishment of firearms by people with a domestic violence restraining order were associated with lower black homicide rates, but not with white homicide rates. Author identification of heterogeneity in the associations between state firearm laws and homicide rates among different racial groups has implications for reducing racial health disparities.


Author(s):  
Jud Mathews

Constitutional rights protect individuals against government overreaching, but that is not all they do. In different ways and to different degrees, constitutional rights also regulate legal relations among private parties in most legal systems. In other words, rights can have not only a vertical effect, within the hierarchical relationship between citizen and state, but also a horizontal one, on the citizen-to-citizen relationships otherwise governed by private law. In every constitutional system with judicially enforceable constitutional rights, courts must make choices about whether, when, and how to give those rights horizontal effect. This book is about how different courts make those choices, and about the consequences that they have. The doctrines that courts build to manage the horizontal effect of rights speak to the most fundamental issues that constitutional systems address, about the nature of rights and of constitutionalism itself. These doctrines can also entrench or enhance judicial power, but in very different ways depending on the legal system. This book offers three case studies, of Germany, the United States, and Canada. For each, it offers a detailed account of the horizontal effect jurisprudence of its apex court—not in isolation, but as a central feature of a broader account of that country’s constitutional development. The case studies show how the choices courts make about horizontal rights reflect existing normative and political realities and, over time, help to shape new ones.


2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-221
Author(s):  
Paul M. Heideman

AbstractThe new edition of Manning Marable’sBeyond Black and Whiteseeks to explain the course of black politics in the United States over the last thirty years. Marable argues that this history shows the failure of liberal and nationalist politics to address the problems facing black Americans. Though Marable attempts to chart a course beyond these ideologies, his alternative of ‘transformative politics’, shorn of the revolutionary Marxism that defined his earlier writings, is no more capable of confronting racial inequality than the strategies it seeks to replace.


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