scholarly journals Actual Threat, Perceived Threat, and Authoritarianism: An Experimental Study

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Russo ◽  
Michele Roccato ◽  
Ugo Merlone

Abstract Archival, correlational, and experimental studies converge showing strong links between societal threat and authoritarianism. However, inconsistent with the social cognitive studies showing that our perception of the reality is systematically biased, the literature on the threat-authoritarianism relations has largely ignored the connection between the actual societal threat and its perception. In this study, we analyzed the relation between objective societal threat and authoritarians’ perception of it, hypothesizing that authoritarians would tend to overestimate societal threat and that such overestimation would increase the endorsement of authoritarian attitudes and the preference for authoritarian political systems. Using an experimental approach, we studied the relations between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), actual societal threat (manipulated as low vs. moderate), and perceived societal threat working with an Italian community sample (N = 209, Mage = 29.70, SD = 9.53, 64.1% women). Actual threat and RWA equally predicted participants’ threat perception, while their interaction did not. In turn, threat perception further increased RWA and support to authoritarian political system. We discussed the results in terms of a vicious circle whereby authoritarians overestimate societal threat and such overestimation reinforces authoritarian attitudes.

2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062097802
Author(s):  
Todd K. Hartman ◽  
Thomas V. A. Stocks ◽  
Ryan McKay ◽  
Jilly Gibson-Miller ◽  
Liat Levita ◽  
...  

Research has demonstrated that situational factors such as perceived threats to the social order activate latent authoritarianism. The deadly COVID-19 pandemic presents a rare opportunity to test whether existential threat stemming from an indiscriminate virus moderates the relationship between authoritarianism and political attitudes toward the nation and out-groups. Using data from two large nationally representative samples of adults in the United Kingdom ( N = 2,025) and Republic of Ireland ( N = 1,041) collected during the initial phases of strict lockdown measures in both countries, we find that the associations between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and (1) nationalism and (2) anti-immigrant attitudes are conditional on levels of perceived threat. As anxiety about the COVID-19 pandemic increases, so too does the effect of RWA on those political outcomes. Thus, it appears that existential threats to humanity from the COVID-19 pandemic moderate expressions of authoritarianism in society.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Fischer ◽  
Quentin Atkinson ◽  
Ananish Chaudhuri

This chapter provides an overview of studies that use incentivised experiments to study political ideology. We look first at studies that conceptualise political ideology along a unidimensional liberal-conservative spectrum and explore whether there are behavioural differences between liberals and conservatives. While recent studies find that liberals display more pro-sociality, many other studies find that liberals and conservatives display similar levels of pro-social, ingroup-biased, normative, and punitive behaviour. We then turn to experiments that study two-dimensional political ideology as embodied in the concepts of economic conservatism/progressivism (often measured with the Social Dominance Orientation scale) and social conservatism/progressivism (usually measured with the Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale). In such experiments, economic conservatives display lower levels of pro-sociality and universalism and greater tolerance of inequality and tendencies to harm outgroups. Social conservatives tend to display “groupishness”, including distrusting anonymous strangers, cooperating with ingroup members, following rules, punishing in the ultimatum game, and sometimes harming outgroups.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 831-849 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Paul Poteat ◽  
Stacey S. Horn ◽  
Patrick I. Armstrong

Many studies have focused on mediated paths by which social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) predict prejudice; fewer have identified factors that moderate their effects. We applied social cognitive domain theory to test whether different ways of reasoning about antigay discriminatory acts moderated the association between SDO, RWA, and condoning antigay discrimination. Moral reasoning (e.g., emphasizing fairness, equality) and personal reasoning (e.g., emphasizing individual interests, qualifications) attenuated the association between SDO, RWA, and condoning discriminatory resource denial in general and religious-specific contexts. Conventional reasoning (e.g., emphasizing group norms, rules) magnified the association between SDO, RWA, and condoning resource denial, but only in a religious-specific context. Findings highlight the need to examine moderators of SDO and RWA effects in effort to disrupt discrimination by those most likely to engage in it.


2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Van Hiel ◽  
I. Cornelis ◽  
A. Roets

The present research investigates in a student (N = 183) and a voter sample (N = 276) whether the relationships between the Five‐Factor Model (FFM) personality dimensions and social attitudes (i.e. Right‐Wing Authoritarianism [RWA] and Social Dominance Orientation [SDO]) are mediated by social worldviews (i.e. dangerous and jungle worldviews). Two important results were obtained. First, the perception of the world as inherently dangerous and chaotic partially mediated the relationships of the personality dimensions Openness and Neuroticism and the social attitude RWA. Second, the jungle worldview completely mediated the relationships between Agreeableness and SDO, but considerable item overlap between the jungle worldview and SDO was also noted. It was further revealed that acquiescence response set and item overlap had an impact on social worldviews and attitudes, but that their relationships were hardly affected by these biases. The discussion focuses on the status of social worldviews to explain social attitudes. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-216
Author(s):  
M. V. Nozhenko

The review examines a new collective monograph edited by L.S. Okuneva and A.I. Tevdoi-Burmuli: ‘Right-wing populism: Global trend and regional features’, published in 2020. The reviewer notes that a growing interest in both Russian and foreign academic community towards the phenomenon of populism has been witnessed in recent years. However, scholars still haven’t reached a consensus on the nature and content of this phenomenon, its role in the political systems of individual countries and regions, as well as on prospects for its further development. In this regard the book under review which provides a broad geographical and thematic perspective coverage is of particular relevance. At the same time, the reviewer notes that this very breadth provokes critical comments. For instance, the reviewer points to certain imbalances in the structure of the book, as well as some inconsistencies in the authors’ narratives. The latter may be related to the fact that the authors have widely differing approaches to the nature of populism. As a result, the book under review should be considered as a collection of essays united by a common theme rather than a collective monograph based on a common theoretical and methodological framework. However, this in no way downplays academic contribution of each individual author and the relevance of the book as a whole. The reviewer examines each chapter, briefly presenting the author’s position and the key findings, and concludes that the book in general contributes significantly to the academic study of the right-wing populism and raises new research questions. With regard to the latter, the book highlights both the ambiguity of populism, its immanent connection with modern trends in the development of political systems, and the social and psychological factors that contribute to the growing popularity of populist ideas.


2013 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathias Kauff ◽  
Frank Asbrock ◽  
Stefan Thörner ◽  
Ulrich Wagner

We studied the influence of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) on the relationship between a multicultural ideology and attitudes about ethnic diversity and immigrants. We hypothesized that a multicultural ideology poses a threat to authoritarian individuals, which leads to a decrease in positive diversity beliefs and an increase in prejudice toward immigrants. On the basis of representative survey-data from 23 European countries, we showed that the negative relationship between RWA and positive diversity beliefs was stronger the more a country engages in multiculturalism (Study 1). In addition, in two experiments we demonstrated that RWA moderated the relationship between a video promoting multiculturalism (Study 2) or a picture showing a multicultural group (Study 3) and attitudes toward immigrants and diversity. As expected, for high-RWAs, both stimuli led to an increase in prejudice. In Study 3, perceived threat mediated the relationship between a multicultural norm and prejudice for people high in RWA.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jahnavi R. Delmonico ◽  
Erin Michelle Buchanan

This study examined the potential for a predictive relationship between political conservatism and change detection. Research on the visual system has revealed a general tendency to overlook changes in a stationary scene when two versions of it are displayed alternately with a masking slide, known as the flicker paradigm. We examined whether political conservatism and various related measures predicted whether and how quickly changes were detected during a flicker paradigm task. Measures of interest were conservatism as measured by the Social and Economic Conservatism scale (Everett, 2013), openness as measured by the short form of the Big Five Inventory (John, Donahue & Kentle, 1991), authoritarianism as measured by the Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale (Altemeyer, 2006), political party, and a single bipolar conservatism scale. Despite predictions that greater conservatism and authoritarianism would shorten response latencies, authoritarianism appeared to lengthen the time it took to identify a change, while social conservatism shortened it. Openness and other forms of conservatism did not demonstrate significant predictive relationships. Implications of this pattern are discussed.


Assessment ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 308-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Gordts ◽  
Kasia Uzieblo ◽  
Craig Neumann ◽  
Eva Van den Bussche ◽  
Gina Rossi

The psychometric properties of the 64-item Self-Report Psychopathy Scale–III (SRP-III) and its abbreviated 28-item SRP–Short Form (SRP-SF) seem promising. Still, cross-cultural evidence for its construct validity in heterogeneous community samples remains relatively scarce. Moreover, little is known about the interchangeability of both instruments. The present study addresses these research gaps by comparing the SRP-III and SRP-SF factorial construct validity and nomological network in a Belgian community sample. The four-factor model of psychopathy was evaluated ( N = 1,510) and the SRP scales’ relationship with various external correlates (i.e., attachment, bullying and victimization, right-wing attitudes, right-wing authoritarianism, and response styles) was examined ( n = 210). Both SRP versions demonstrated a good fit for the four-factor model and a considerable overlap with the nomological network of psychopathy. The results suggested that the SRP-SF provides a viable alternative to the SRP-III for assessment in the community. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maša Vukčević Marković ◽  
Aleksandra Nicović ◽  
Marko Živanović

The present study aims to identify contextual and psychological factors of proneness to radicalization and violent extremism (RVE) operationalized through the Militant Extremist Mindset scale (MEM) consisting of three distinct aspects: Proviolence (PV), Vile World beliefs (VW), and trust in Divine Power (DP). A community sample of 271 high school students (72% females) from Belgrade and Sandžak regions in Serbia completed: (1) a 24-item MEM scale; (2) contextual measures including a 6-item scale of family dysfunction (FDys) and a 4-item composite measure capturing exposure to a harsh school environment and peer abuse (HSE); (3) psychological measures including the 9-item Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale (RWA), the 5-item Social Dominance Orientation scale (SDO), and the 20-item UCLA Loneliness scale (LON). A path analysis was conducted with contextual factors on the first and psychological factors on the second level of the model predicting the three factors of MEM. LON was positively predicted by FDys and HSE, SDO by HSE only, while RWA was positively predicted by FDys only. Contextual and psychological factors accounted for 27% of the variance in PV (LON, SDO), 15% of the variance in VW (FDys, SDO), and 31% of the variance in DP (RWA). Obtained findings reveal a complex interplay of contextual and psychological drivers in the prediction of different aspects of RVE and build upon existing knowledge on risk factors associated with RVE.


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