American Party Women Redux: Stability in Partisan Gender Gaps

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Tiffany D. Barnes ◽  
Victoria D. Beall ◽  
Erin C. Cassese

ABSTRACT Recent research in American politics demonstrates that despite gender-based partisan sorting, gender gaps in policy preferences persist within political parties—particularly among Republicans. Republican women report significantly more moderate views than their male counterparts across a range of policy areas. These gaps are largely attributable to gender differences in beliefs about the appropriate scope of government and attitudes toward gender-based inequality. Arguably, gender has become a more salient feature of American elections in recent years, and this heightened salience raises questions about whether these within-party gender gaps are stable over time or vary across campaign contexts. We use survey data from the 2012 and 2016 American National Election Study to evaluate whether gender gaps in policy preferences are stable across elections or if the 2016 election context affected the magnitude of gender differences in policy preferences. We find that gender gaps in policy preferences within political parties are fairly stable across the two electoral periods.

2016 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiffany D. Barnes ◽  
Erin C. Cassese

Research on the gender gap in American politics has focused on average differences between male and female voters. This has led to an underdeveloped understanding of sources of heterogeneity among women and, in particular, a poor understanding of the political preferences of Republican women. We argue that although theories of ideological sorting suggest gender gaps should exist primarily between political parties, gender socialization theories contend that critical differences lie at the intersection of gender and party such that gender differences likely persist within political parties. Using survey data from the 2012 American National Election Study, we evaluate how party and gender intersect to shape policy attitudes. We find that gender differences in policy attitudes are more pronounced in the Republican Party than in the Democratic Party, with Republican women reporting significantly more moderate views than their male counterparts. Mediation analysis reveals that the gender gaps within the Republican Party are largely attributable to gender differences in beliefs about the appropriate scope of government and attitudes toward gender-based inequality. These results afford new insight into the joint influence of gender and partisanship on policy preferences and raise important questions about the quality of representation Republican women receive from their own party.


1989 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Mark C. Ellickson

In recent years there has been a steady stream of literature proclaiming the decline of the American party system (Burnham, 1976; Kirkpatrick, 1978; Ladd, 1982; Crotty, 1984, 1985; Konda and Sigelman, 1987). It is argued that the parties have been losing their “ relevance,” their critical capacity in responding to social needs and problems (Eldersveld, 1982; Miller and Wattenberg, 1983). This allegation entails serious ramifications as political parties have long been viewed as performing many vital functions in the American political system (Leiserson, 1958; Sorauf, 1984).


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6148
Author(s):  
Nicolás Bronfman ◽  
Paula Repetto ◽  
Paola Cordón ◽  
Javiera Castañeda ◽  
Pamela Cisternas

Previous studies have reported differences between men and women in the adoption of preventive behaviors against infectious diseases. This study aims to examine gender differences on a set of psychosocial factors shown to influence preventive behaviors against infectious diseases such as COVID-19. We conducted a web survey (N = 1.004) a few weeks after the end of the peak of the first wave of infections in Chile. The survey assessed participants’ perception of risk and worry about the COVID-19 pandemic, confidence in the government’s competence and integrity in dealing with the crisis, attribution of responsibility to various stakeholders, and adoption of preventive behaviors such as hygiene, distancing, and information-seeking. Our results confirm significant gender-based differences for both the psychosocial factors and the adoption of preventive behaviors. We conclude that women show a higher level of worry and fear of the pandemic and are keener to adopt preventive hygiene and social distancing behaviors. Similarly, participants report a low level of trust in government authorities, with women reporting the lowest trust level. The implications of these findings for the design of future risk communication strategies are discussed.


1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
H. G. Nicholas

Elections satisfy both the practical and the theoretical requirements of classical democratic theory if they answer one question only: Who shall rule? Judged by this test the American elections of 7 November 1972 returned as clear and unequivocal an answer as the United States Constitution permits – crystal-clear as to individuals, equivocal as to parties and political forces. But the student of politics and society cannot resist treating elections as data-gathering devices on a wide range of other questions, on the state of the public mind, on the relative potency of pressure groups, on the internal health of the political parties, and, of course, on the shape of things to come. In this ancillary role American elections, despite the generous wealth of statistical material which they throw up – so much more detailed and categorized (though often less precise) than our own – Suffer in most years from one severe limitation, a limitation which in 1972 was particularly conspicuous; they do not engage the interest of more than a moderate percentage of the American citizenry. In 1972 that percentage was as low as 55 per cent, i.e. out of an estimated eligible population of 139,642,000 only 77,000,000 went to the polls. Since this circumscribes the conclusions which can be drawn from the results themselves, as well as constituting a phenomenon of considerable intrinsic interest, it seems worthwhile to begin any examination of the 1972 elections by an analysis not of the votes counted but of those which were never cast.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-430

The current paper aimed to investigate taboo language using animal names in Facebook Messenger in the Jordanian setting based on the context where it appeared. A total of (100) male and female university students answered a questionnaire devised to examine the way how students use taboo language. It was noticed that "pig" recorded the highest frequency of occurrence comprising (11.59) of the total number of the taboo words followed by "dog" and "bitch". Important differences were observed in the frequency and use of taboo words by male (68. 8 %) and female (32.2%) students. The study explained the reasons why such words were deemed taboo in the Jordanian setting taking into consideration the socio-cultural and religious norms of the society. The study also concluded that taboo language was used to express different themes such as humor, relaxation, anger and abuse. Keywords: Taboo Language, Gender Differences, Themes, Socio-Pragmatic, Facebook Messenger.


2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 84-104
Author(s):  
Simona Kustec Lipicer ◽  
Andrija Henjak

The main goal of this paper is to provide a descriptive analytical overview of the existing evolution of the Slovenian parliamentary arena since its transition to democracy and independence. The paper is divided into two main parts: (1) an overview of a normative insight into the parliamentary and party system, and (2) an analytical assessment of the structure of the parliamentary arena as it is reflected in electoral and parties’ choices and policy preferences. A look at the contemporary democratic parliamentary arena in Slovenia shows that it, in itself, has been quite stable, while, on the contrary, its main integral parts – political parties – have gradually become less stable and less predictable, especially in the second decade of democracy, which can potentially influence the future stability of parliamentary arena, too.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saeed Rokooei ◽  
Farshid Vahedifard ◽  
Solomon Belay

Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of gender differences in the perception of civil engineers and construction (CEC) students toward resilience to natural hazards and extreme events in a changing climate. This study also explores to what extent CEC students perceive the status of the US infrastructure systems similar to an external evaluation model (i.e. American Society of Civil Engineers Infrastructure Report Card). Design/methodology/approach An empirical study was conducted to examine the perception of resilience among 103 females and 279 male CEC students from 15 universities across the USA. The obtained data were quantified, and different statistical methods were used to explore the similarities and differences in the gender group responses. Findings The results indicated a significant mean difference (disagreement) between male and female groups in the importance of community resilience, management and handling of natural hazards. In addition, while there was no meaningful difference between female and male students in their content knowledge, female students showed a more accurate perception about impacting factors involved. Originality/value The findings of this study offer new insight into the impacts of gender differences in the perception of resilience, which can be used to enhance the educational experience of CEC female students in areas related to community and infrastructure resilience.


Author(s):  
Robert G. Boatright ◽  
Valerie Sperling

This chapter provides the theoretical context for the study by exploring whether and how gender usually matters in campaigns and elections, and the ways in which the 2016 election was different in this regard. The chapter presents the literature on voter preferences for male and female candidates, the impact of gender stereotypes on voting, and the way campaigns and advertisers make use of these stereotypes when trying to promote their candidates or undermine their opponents. The chapter devotes particular attention to recent claims that women are not disadvantaged in contemporary American elections, and it explores ways in which this finding might be applied to the 2016 presidential election, the first to feature a female general election nominee.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document