Fifty Troubled Years: The Story of the Burgenland

1972 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 59-79
Author(s):  
Karl R. Stadler
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Natural Capital ◽  
The Political ◽  
Actual Situation ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
World War ◽  
The People ◽  
German Speaking

Most Austrians believe that in making countless policy decisions relating to Austria after World War I the Allies only twice demonstrated an awareness of the actual situation in Austria and took into account the wishes of the people: (1) when they determined to subject the conflicting claims to the Klagenfurt Basin to the test of a plebiscite; and (2) when they transferred the German-speaking areas of West Hungary to Austria without a plebiscite. However, although the creation of the Burgenland was commemorated in 1971 at numerous semicentennial celebrations in all parts of the country, the official speeches stressing the progress and the achievements of Austria's youngest province, no matter how tactful they were, could not entirely blot out memories of the bitter and bloody struggles of fifty years ago. The refusal of Hungary in her hour of humiliation to give up another piece of national territory; the political intrigues and military operations around the disputed borders; the fraudulent plebiscite in Ödenburg, as a result of which the new province lost its natural capital; and the Hungarian government's diplomatic efforts almost up to the outbreak of World War II to undo the Treaties of St. Germain and Trianon are all too much a part of Austrian history to be passed over in silence.

The Politically Weak

2020 ◽  
pp. 93-119
Author(s):  
Martin Crotty ◽  
Neil J. Diamant ◽  
Mark Edele
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Democratic Systems

This chapter investigates the cases of victory and defeat and explains what politically influential veterans were able to produce to secure benefits and rights. It focuses on China after its long period of war and civil war that ended in 1949, the United Kingdom after both world wars, the United States after World War I, and the USSR after World War II. It analyses the cases wherein veterans had little or limited success in securing meaningful social and political status. The chapter identifies factors that determine the veterans' status, where it is victory or defeat, or authoritarian versus democratic systems of government. It discusses the political process and the attempts to convert claims into entitlements in order to explain the negative outcomes for the veterans of victorious armies.

The Political History of American Food Aid

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Riley
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Food Aid ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Agriculture Sector ◽  
History Of

This book discusses the 220-year history of the political and humanitarian uses of American food as a tool of both foreign and domestic policy. During these years, food aid has been used as a weapon against the expansion of bolshevism after World War I and communism after World War II, a cudgel to force policy changes by recalcitrant recipient governments, a method for balancing disputes between Israel and Egypt, a backdoor means of increasing military aid to Southeast Asia during the Vietnam War, a signal of support to friendly governments, and a resource to help achieve economic development in food-insecure countries. At home, international food aid has, at times, been used to dump troublesome food surpluses abroad and has served politicians as a tool to secure the votes of farming constituents and the political support of agriculture-sector lobbyists, commodity traders, transporters, and shippers. Most important in the minds of many, it has been the most visible—and most popular—means of providing humanitarian aid to tens of millions of hungry men, women, and children confronted, on distant shores, by war, terrorism, and natural cataclysms and the resulting threat—if not the reality—of famine and death. The book investigates the little-known, not well-understood, and often highly contentious political processes that have converted fields of grains, crops of pulses, and herds of livestock into the tools of U.S. government policy.

The International Court as Constitutional Court and the Blurring of the Arbitral/Judicial Processes

1993 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward McWhinney
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Annual Report ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
International Court

The institutionalization of international conflict-resolution on a third-party basis, with the creation of a Permanent Court of Arbitration, was one of the high hopes of the political leaders at the First Hague Peace Conference in 1899. In the early phase, from creation of the Court in 1902 until the outbreak of World War I in 1914, 17 cases were initiated before the Court. There was a quite understandable gap, through the War years, until 1921; and then, in the decade until 1931,7 further cases were brought before the Court. This was followed by another awkward hiatus as to cases throughout the 1930s, apparently because of the renewed international tensions in Europe that culminated in World War II. There were no cases before the Court during the War years, the seat of the Court being under belligerent occupation for most of that time. The fact remains, however, that since World War II and, indeed, since 1931, there have been only two cases (both minor ones) brought before the Court, (or three, if we accept the Court Registry's retroactive classification, in its 1990 Annual Report, of the continuing Iran-US Claims Tribunal, which had begun its work in 1981, as one of its own cases).

scholarly journals Trnova pot razvoja narodne ideje v 20. stoletju: problemi oblikovanja naroda na Slovenskem in v Ukrajini skozi oči ukrajinskega zgodovinarja

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-144
Author(s):  
Katerina Malšina ◽  
Jevgen Sinkevič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Processes ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
European Nation ◽  
Related Idea ◽  
The Difference

DIFFICULT PATH TO DEVELOPING THE IDEA OF A NATION IN THE 20TH CENTURY: PROBLEMS IN FORMING A NATION IN SLOVENIA AND UKRAINE AS SEEN BY AN UKRAINIAN HISTORIANThe article presents the development of the idea of a nation by comparing constitutional and social processes in Slovenia and Ukraine from the second half of the 19thcentury to the end of the 20thcentury. Upon examining the documentary and narrative sources on the formation of the Ukrainian and Slovenian nations, the authors point out that both Slovenians and Ukrainians co-existed within one country – the Austro-Hungarian Empire – as well as to the chronological and thematic similarity of historical independence movement processes in both countries, focusing on the period of Austria-Hungary, as well as on the time after World War I and World War II. The emphasis is on defining the following terms: What is a “national idea” compared to the political and state-related idea? What is the difference between the Slovenian and Ukrainian national idea? How should we define the “Slovenian nation” and the “European nation” today?

scholarly journals Балканските војни и проекциите за Македонија (македонски поглед)

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Билјана [Biljana] Ристовска-Јосифовска [Ristovska-Josifovska]
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Political Events ◽  
National Question

The Balkan wars and the projections about Macedonia (Macedonian view) The main focus of this paper is the time just before and during the Balkan Wars (1912– 1913), analyzed through the public writings of the Macedonian emigrants in Russia. We focus on their attitude, opinions and interpretations of the political events, as well as the reactions to the decisions of the great powers – as an expression of the Macedonian view to the Balkan Wars and the projections about Macedonia. In this context it is interesting to see whether they concern the national question and how they articulate the opinions on reception of the results of the Balkan Wars.The attention of the Macedonians was pointed almost exclusively to the national problem and the Balkan Wars, even after the beginning of the World War I. They were engaged in find­ing a solution for the Macedonian national question and the realization of the idea for national state. At the same time they were displaying in the Russian public their understanding of the political events and their attitude: warning about the possible partition, demanding a support for foundation of a Macedonian state and protesting against the partition.But, besides the organized intellectuals in emigration, the Macedonian national question remained at the margins of the interests of the great powers of Europe or has been used as a tool for solving other political questions. The appeals of the Macedonian intellectuals were not enough influential and Macedonia entered in World War I with all the consequences: the confirmation of the borders from the separation and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This very difficult and complicated period lasted up to the foundation of the national state in World War II at the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia. Wojny bałkańskie i wizje Macedonii (perspektywa macedońska) W artykule – na podstawie analizy publicznych wystąpień macedońskich emigrantów w Rosji, ich poglądów politycznych, opinii i interpretacji wydarzeń politycznych, jak również reakcji na decyzje wielkich mocarstw – podjęto zagadnienia związane z okresem wojen bał­kańskich 1912–1913 i ukazano macedońską perspektywę kwestii macedońskiej. Zaprezento­wano też ważne problemy odnoszące się do sposobu traktowania spraw narodowych i sposobu artykułowania stanowisk wobec następstw tych wojen.Uwaga Macedończyków, nawet po wybuchu I wojny światowej, kierowała się niemal wyłącznie na kwestie narodowe i wojny bałkańskie. Ich zaangażowanie sprowadzało się do poszukiwania rozwiązań spraw narodu macedońskiego i prób urzeczywistnienia idei wła­snego państwa. Środowiska emigrantów prezentowały przed rosyjską opinią publiczną swoje rozumienie zachodzących wydarzeń politycznych, by zapobiec podziałowi terytorium, a jed­nocześnie poszukiwać wsparcia dla koncepcji utworzenia państwa macedońskiego.Macedońska kwestia narodowa, podejmowana przez pozostającą na emigracji inteligencję macedońską, pozostawała na marginesie zainteresowań wielkich mocarstw europejskich lub była wykorzystywana instrumentalnie do rozwiązywania innych problemów politycznych. Apele intelektualistów macedońskich nie wywarły wpływu na sytuację międzynarodową. Macedończycy przystąpili do I wojny światowej z wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami – za­twierdzonymi granicami podzielonego terytorium. Ten trudny i skomplikowany okres trwał aż do utworzenia państwa narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej na obszarze obecnej Re­publiki Macedonii.

The Future of the Panama Canal

1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Manfredo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
World Trade ◽  
The United States ◽  
Panama Canal ◽  
The Political ◽  
Actual Situation ◽  
World War ◽  
International Shipping ◽  
The Media

Throughout most of its history, the importance of the Panama Canal — to the United States, to Panama, and to the international shipping community — was never questioned. This situation changed when the political confrontation between the United States and the Noriega regime took place in the 1980s, and most of the media began to suggest that the usefulness of the Panama Canal was on the decline and no longer of much importance to world trade. In this regard, the media seriously misrepresented the facts. Let us take a closer look at the Canal in order to gain a better perspective on the actual situation.Prior to World War I, the volume of trade going through the Panama Canal, though a useful transportation artery, was relatively small. In fact, in 1929, its peak pre-War year, the total volume was just 30 million tons.

scholarly journals Vilnius and the Vilnius Region in the Period of Evacuation of Russian Army and Authorities in 1915

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (31) ◽  
pp. 248-261
Author(s):  
Marek Przeniosło ◽  
Małgorzata Przeniosło
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
World War ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
The People ◽  
Executive Level ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

Initially, the military operations during World War I were advancing at some distance from Vilnius. The offensive of the Central Powers directly threatened the city as late as in the summer of 1915. At that moment preparations started to evacuate important offices, economic and financial structures from Vilnius. Also, the people employed in these institutions, especially those of executive level, started to gradually leave the city (usually with their families). The intensification of this flight came in late August and September. The men of military age were being evacuated as well. A large number of the inhabitants of the Vilnius region sympathized with the Russians, which was understandable given the fact that their cousins and relatives served in the tsarist army. Some remained neutral. After the outbreak of the war the requisitions made by the Russian army were a serious problem for the population. They were especially acute for the farmers. The tactics of "burned land" used by the retreating Russian troops was an even greater threat to the residents of the Vilnius region and their property. Although the action did not much affect Vilnius, it had a serious impact on the rural areas in the region, including those located in the direct vicinity of the city. On 18 September 1915, the German troops entered Vilnius. The residents of the region responded calmly to the change of the situation, there were no cases of panic. The occupied lands, previously held by Russia, were treated by the Germans as a loot, hence they were exploited to the maximum extent. It was directly reflected in the quality of life of the civilian population.

Possible Political Changes in Nazi Germany in the Near Future

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Marcuse
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
World War ◽  
German Government ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Near Future

This chapter considers the possibility that there would be political changes in Nazi Germany in the near future. The report states that it was not certain that the German ruling groups had come to realize that World War II was militarily lost. If military measures did not offer an escape from certain military defeat, the only hope of Germany was in the field of politics. The chapter continues that it may not be an exaggeration to maintain that the political aspects of the war will henceforth lead to overshadow military operations, which would lead inexorably to the ultimate destruction of the German military machine. The problem is therefore what political activities the German government would pursue in order to avoid utter political and military defeat. The chapter examines the possible appointment of a triumvirate—composed of Wilhelm Keitel, Karl Doenitz and Hermann Göring—as a first step toward future political changes in Nazi Germany.

Worlds Apart: The Swabian Expulsion from Hungary after World War II

1985 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Spira
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
World War ◽  
Post World War Ii ◽  
The Third ◽  
German Speaking ◽  
To Come ◽  
Dual Capacity

The German expulsion is a sad chapter of post-World War II Hungrian history. After 1945, hundreds of thousands of Hungary's German-speaking citizens (popularly known as Swabians) were expelled as traitors. They were accused of having joined the Nazi-oriented Volksbund, or of having “volunteered” in the Third Reich's SS forces. The legality, morality, and rationality of the Hungarian government's action will be disputed for many years to come. More useful, however, might be an exploration of this apparently arbitrary and cruel expulsion of German-speaking Hungarian citizens. This essay surveys the troubled relationship that bound the Swabians and Hungarians together in ceaseless controversy from 1918 until the end of World War II. Their misunderstandings were basic and defied solution through dialogue, mutual concessions, or compromise.Prior to World War I, Hungary's German citizens considered themselves relatively secure in their adopted Magyar-dominated homeland. As Hungarian citizens, they owed allegiance to Franz Josef I in his dual capacity as king of Hungary and as emperor of the supra-national Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Despite some assimilationist efforts by the Magyars after the Ausgleich of 1868, the Swabians felt protected by the presence of a German king-emperor, and by the fact that the empire was largely Germandominated.

scholarly journals Science Fiction in Belgrade in the 1920s: A Possible Contribution to the Development of Metropolitan Belgrade

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 203-212
Author(s):  
Miodrag Milovanović
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Science Fiction ◽  
Popular Fiction ◽  
Cultural Influences ◽  
Specific Area ◽  
World War ◽  
The People ◽  
Words And Images

Historian Jovana Babović claims that post-World War I Belgrade residents embraced different foreign cultural influences in an attempt to become citizens of western type metropolis. Various examples that support her claim were discovered through analysing a specific area of popular culture — science fiction — and enriched with interesting findings about surprisingly fast translations of certain stories, at the very beginning of the establishment of science fiction as an independent genre by Hugo Gernsback, publisher of the world’s first SF magazine Amazing Stories (1926). Several stories from its first issues appeared after only a few months in the Belgrade magazine Reč i slika [Words and Images], with faithful copies by domestic illustrators of original drawings by the leading US genre illustrator of that time, Frank R. Paul. Despite the relatively small number of translated stories, influence on domestic writers and illustrators of popular fiction was significant. The importance of these stories is reflected in the growing penetration of Serbian popular culture by US influences, which began to gain signifi cance in relation to the hitherto dominant French, German and Russian influences. Unfortunately, considering that most of the people involved in these activities died during World War II, and that there is no archived documentation, the pathways by which these stories reached readers in Serbia have yet to be uncovered.

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