Social Security Programmes in the West Bank and Gaza Strip: Challenges for the new Palestine

1996 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnon A. Bar-On

ABSTRACTOver the years during which Israel has occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Palestinian economy has become heavily dependent on wages earned in Israel. Yet Israel has done relatively little to modernise these territories' social security arrangements, or to enable Palestinian frontier workers to benefit from its own social security system. This article compares the occupational welfare, public assistance and health insurance programmes in the three entities, and suggests how they could be better organised to protect Palestinian workers and their families against daily contingencies which can decimate their economic security.

2004 ◽  
Vol 103 (669) ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
Sara Roy

The tragic ongoing violence between Palestinians and Israelis shields a greater tragedy currently unfolding in the West Bank and Gaza Strip: the dismemberment of the Palestinian economy.


1987 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Lustick

The most significant political division within Israel since 1967 has beenbetween those Israelis who favor the permanent incorporation of the portions of Eretz Yisrael (The Land of Israel) captured in the Six Day War and those Israelis who favor relinquishing most or all of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in return for a peace agreement with the Arab world and resolution of the Palestinian problem. Although usually considered an issue of security, ideology, or diplomacy, the uncertain disposition of the West Bank and Gaza Strip can usefully be analyzed as a state-building problem.


2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ziad Abdeen ◽  
P. Gregg Greenough ◽  
Aruna Chandran ◽  
Radwan Qasrawi

Background The Palestinian economy has dramatically deteriorated at all levels since the Al-Aqsa Intifada (uprising) began in 2000, resulting in an unprecedented catastrophe to the livelihoods of the Palestinians residing in the West Bank and Gaza. It was also marked by lack of household physical and financial access to food and health care, which placed children at increased risk of malnutrition and poor health. This prompted a significant increase in food aid from 2002 until the summer of 2003. Objectives To assess the nutritional status of children 6 to 59 months of age after 1 year of food assistance. Methods In the West Bank and Gaza, a nationally representative sample of children 6 to 59 months of age was randomly selected with a validated multistage clustered design, with the Health Survey 1999 sample used as the sampling frame. The sample was stratified according to governorate, place of residence (urban, nonurban, or refugee camp), locality, and size of locality (number of households). A cross-sectional survey of nutritional status was carried out. Data were collected by interviews with the primary caregivers of the children. Measurements were made of children's weight and height or length. Food-intake data were collected by the 24-hour food-recall method with the use of a booklet of photographs of foods commonly eaten in Palestine. Results A total of 3,089 children were assessed, of whom 3.1% in the West Bank and 3.9% in the Gaza Strip were suffering from acute malnutrition; the prevalence of chronic malnutrition was 9.2% in the West Bank and 12.7% in the Gaza Strip ( p = .02). Sex, refugee status, locality, and maternal education were not significantly associated with acute malnutrition by logistic regression analysis, whereas infants 6 to 23 months of age were significantly at risk. Calorie and protein intakes were generally lower than recommended dietary allowances. Conclusions The prevalence rates of both acute and chronic malnutrition among children in the West Bank and Gaza are significantly higher than the national Palestinian averages. There is a need to establish nutritional surveillance systems to monitor the nutritional status of children in conflict areas.


Water Policy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Chenoweth

Scenario analysis suggests that by 2050 the population of Israel, the West Bank and Gaza Strip and Jordan will have grown from 17.2 million to between 21.1 and 38.5 million people. These population scenarios are compared to a range of water resource scenarios that consider the effect of climate change, a possible redistribution of the region's shared water resources as a result of a peace agreement, or the status quo. This scenario analysis shows that under all possible population-water scenarios combinations considered, the water resources of Jordan and Israel remain above the minimum threshold required for social and economic development. In the case of the West Bank, water resources may also remain sufficient for all population and climatic scenarios if the West Bank gains a greater portion of the shared water resources. In the Gaza Strip, however, desalination or water imports are required.


Significance That comes just two days after a spokesman announced that the PA had formally asked Israel to allow Palestinian elections to take place in East Jerusalem -- which Israel has annexed but is widely considered to be occupied Palestinian territory. Both Fatah and its rival Hamas (which governs the Gaza Strip) insist that no vote can be held without East Jerusalem. Momentum for holding elections has gathered pace since a new government was installed in the West Bank in April with that explicit mission. Impacts Abbas may issue a decree ordering elections, but this will be meaningless without addressing these concerns. The Israeli right, bolstered by US support for its territorial claims, will resist any PA activity in Jerusalem for ideological reasons. Regardless of any election, Fatah and Hamas will retain security control of the West Bank and Gaza, respectively. Palestinian support for a one-state solution is likely to grow, albeit slowly and from a low base.


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