Obscurities of a Referendum Foretold: The 2017 Constitutional Amendments in Turkey

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hasret Dikici Bilgin ◽  
Emre Erdoğan

AbstractThe 2017 referendum marked a transition from an already incongruous parliamentary system to rampant presidentialism and created more conflicts rather than defusing them. Given the extraordinary conditions under which the referendum was held, and the limited time allowed for discussion of its possible ramifications, any effort to analyze the eve and aftermath of the referendum provoked more questions than answers. Why was the referendum held in 2017, although the governing party had advocated for a new constitution and transition to a presidential system since it came to power in 2002? What was the attitude of the voters towards the presidential system? How did popular support change or did it in fact change during the referendum campaign? The analysis of these questions presented here relies on extant research to inventory what we really know and do not know about the most recent Turkish referendum and why these unanswered questions might have critical consequences.

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-809
Author(s):  
Mahir Tokatlı

On the 24th of June 2018, for the first time Turkish citizens voted in separate elections for both parliament and the head of government . The constitutional amendments passed a year earlier in a controversial referendum became effective at the same time and transformed the parliamentary system of government into a so-called presidential system . However, regarding the relationship between the executive and legislative branches, the constitution reveals strong similarities to an Israeli experiment (1996 to 2002), which conversely was described as a mixed type or quasi-parliamentary system . The “alla Turca” variant presents a clear asymmetry concerning the horizontal separation of powers in favor of the president and creates a concentration of powers . Parliament is rigorously constrained in its powers, while the president permanently remains capable of acting unless an arithmetic three-fifths majority is formed that could recall him prematurely for political reasons . Under the undemocratic conditions of a semi-competitive electoral system and in a state of emergency that applied at the time, the AKP won both elections . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 791 - 809]


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peshraw Mohammed Ameen

In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.


1982 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Bowman ◽  
Michael Wallerstein

The 1891 civil war that led to the downfall of President José Manuel Balmaceda is without doubt one of the most visible episodes of Chilean history. Already the subject of a voluminous bibliography by 1894 (Echeverría y Reyes, 1894), the “revolution's” importance to historians of Chile actually increased over time as a new generation of scholars came to view it not merely as a discrete event of limited intrinsic interest but as an important key to understanding Chile's subsequent political and economic development. In retrospect, the conflict came to be seen as a “crucial watershed” in Chilean history (Blakemore, 1974: 243), marking the replacement of a presidential system—1833-1891—notable in nineteenth-century Latin America for political stability, by a parliamentary system—1891-1924—notorious for political and monetary disorder.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahir Tokatlı

In this book, the author examines the development of the Turkish constitution since 1921 in terms of its horizontal separation of powers, and concludes that Turkey’s recent constitutional changes do not imply a presidential system at all. Contrary to the widespread assumption in journalism and academia, the governmental system has persisted in conforming to a parliamentary system. Using a reconceptualisation of the typology of systems of government, this thesis is reinforced and at the same time provides a further contribution to the field of comparative politics by affirming the benefits of the basic dichotomous typology, by elaborating a distinctive subtypification and by rejecting semi-presidentialism as an autonomous type.


Subject The Hungarian government's anti-immigration stance. Significance Prime Minister Viktor Orban and his government have been campaigning against the wave of migrants seeking refuge in Europe, and the EU's handling of the resulting crisis. The government hoped a referendum on October 2 would reject EU settlement of non-Hungarians in Hungary without parliament's consent. With a turnout of less than 50%, the referendum is null and void. Orban's Fidesz party nevertheless claimed victory, as 98.6% of those who cast a valid vote opposed relocation. Impacts The opposition to Fidesz will be able to frame the referendum as its first victory since 2010 and try to build unity on that basis. Fidesz will be unable to extend its popular support on the basis of these results. The EU is unlikely to react forcefully to constitutional amendments in Hungary, given Brexit and elections in France and Germany.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-51
Author(s):  
Sung Sea Young

This article analyzes the determinants of the tenure of cabinet members in Korea and the United States from 1948 to 2013. It concentrates on three sets of factors that can affect the tenure of cabinet members: the personal characteristics of the cabinet member, his or her political characteristics, and the characteristics of the president under whom the cabinet member serves. This article finds that some of the personal and political characteristics of the cabinet member affect the length of a minister's tenure in Korea. However, these same characteristics do not affect the length of tenure of cabinet members in the United States, although the characteristics of the president do have an impact on the tenure length of cabinet members in both Korea and the United States. The mix of a presidential system with a parliamentary system in Korea perhaps accounts for difference between the two countries. Therefore, this article raises the possibility that the theories and practices of public administration and political science in the United States may not be applicable in Korea.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-115
Author(s):  
Misbahuddin Misbahuddin

The tide of democratization in Indonesia has radically changed the structure of Indonesian politics since the overthrown of New Order government by the reform movement in 1998. One important change is the essential vitality of parliamentary politics in Indonesia. In the era of Abdurrahman Wahid's government, the DPR's role was more independent and had a loud voice constraining the executive's running. As a result, the Indonesian constitution which is based on the Presidential system seems to have deviated to being a Parliamentary System. An example of tension is the birth of a memorandum. This paper seeks to examine the "Memorandum during the Government of Abdurrahman Wahid" from the perspective of Islamic State Administration Law. This paper concludes based on the Islamic State Administration Law that the Abdurrahman Wahid's Government Memorandum is invalid because the warning or redressal requirements for a president must be preceded by evidence of deviation from religion.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Ahmed Adnan Kazem ◽  
Jassem Mohammed Ahmed

The Turkish governments had witnessed dramatic changes during several decades ,So the article researched in realistic situations to estimate the contemporary events according to what happened now a days . Therefore , many challenges must be tackled in order to assessment the political scene specially after several military intervention in political life ,So these developments required making of amendments in constitutional law to change the political system toward presidential order instead of parliamentary system , and this  was happened in constitutional amendments which hold in sixteenth of April 2017 as a result of it . Turkish policies were stable politically and lawfully according to practicing democracy ,and it could be easily to know the nature of political participation as followed constitutionally .So the potentially strongest forces are being enabled to renew the political elites ,and the economic miracle would redistribution of roles among active actors in political life .Erdoğan's supporters point out since the attempted coup which happened in amid of July 2016 ,So the governing party and its government tried to reconstruction of trust between the peoples and political elites mutually , in order to override all challenges and to  stabilize the process of democracy


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