Rebuttals as deracializing strategies for African American and white candidates

Author(s):  
Matthew Tokeshi

Abstract The study of American racial politics has long focused on the conditions that activate racial animosity. A central line of research demonstrates that campaign messages that highlight negative stereotypes of African Americans can activate whites' racial attitudes. However, little is known about whether this activation can be overcome. I develop a theory of racial deactivation and test its predictions with two survey experiments. I find that explicitly criticizing the racial nature of an attack restores support for white candidates, but not African American candidates. However, African American and white candidates fare equally well using two rebuttal styles: a credible, non-racial justification of the attacked action or an explicit racial critique combined with the justification. The results have implications for how race affects campaigns, the susceptibility of the American public to racial cues, and campaign strategy.

Author(s):  
David L. Dudley

Paul Laurence Dunbar, born in Dayton, Ohio, in 1872, became the first African American to make his living solely as a writer. When he died of tuberculosis in 1906, he was perhaps the most famous and best-loved black man in America. During a short but prolific career, Dunbar composed about five hundred poems, one hundred short stories, four novels, many essays, and song lyrics. His public performances of his own works were wildly popular, and generations of African Americans were raised knowing, often by heart, his best-loved poems. In 1896, William Dean Howells, dean of American literary critics, hailed Dunbar’s work, but singled out the dialect poems for special praise. The public preferred them, too. For the decade that remained to him, Dunbar continued to write dialect poems, some of which seem to reinforce negative stereotypes of African Americans, and others that appear to romanticize the “good old days” of the antebellum South. On the other hand, Dunbar produced essays and poetry critical of America and the severe limits and indignities imposed on African Americans. Why would such a writer produce works so contradictory? This has been the crux of Dunbar studies almost from the time of his death. His critical reception reveals much about the taste and political views of subsequent generations of his readers and critics, who would do well to remember the enormous challenges facing Dunbar and all African American artists who strove to find their voices and make a living during those post-Reconstruction years, the “nadir” of the black experience in America.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-42
Author(s):  
Quaneshia S. Chandler

Mental health issues, such as excessive stress, anxiety and depression, are common among the college students. Students from minority populations disproportionally experience these issues, which impacts their overall functioning. It is well known that African Americans and others underutilise mental health service and are more likely to discontinue services even when they seek such services. Given this observation, the present study examines the attitude of African American college students towards seeking mental health services. Specifically, the study will highlight negative stereotypes attached to seeking mental health services, and how these impact the willingness of African American college students to seek mental health services. The study will explore ways to combat these negative stereotypes. Additionally, the study will also discuss the many barriers that come in to play with African Americans in seeking mental health opportunities. Keywords: Stereotypes, African Americans, mental Health, counseling, willingness.


2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Siobhan Smith

One way the mainstream public comes to learn about Historically Black Colleges or Universities is through the media. Reality television show College Hill, aired by Black Entertainment Television, appeared to have the goal of presenting the unique aspects of HBCU life. In spite of this objective, some critics and scholars argued the program fell short, relying on familiar and negative stereotypes to present the majority African-American casts, to the detriment of the reputation of these institutions. To explore this possibility, a content analysis of Seasons 3 and 4 of the program (30 episodes) was conducted. It was found that in general, behaviors and traits of the African-American cast members both supported and contradicted previously established, culturally-based stereotypes of African Americans, and that their appearances suggested normalcy. However, African-American women were portrayed in a significantly more negative manner than their male counterparts. In addition, out of the 327 scenes, only 43 (13.1%) had a reference to the HBCU; 30 scene-level references (69.8%) were to academic goals. Further, while the show mostly depicted the cast members interacting independently of the HBCU backdrop, it appears when the HBCU was referenced on the scene-level, most of these references portray academic, rather than social, concerns. Contrary to the literature regarding College Hill, instances of goals occurred statistically significantly more than instances of anti-goals. In addition, all of these references were considered positive on the episode-level. These findings suggest it is possible that some of the negative portrayals of the cast members might become inseparable from the portrayal of the HBCUs in the mind of the viewer.


Author(s):  
Jessie B. Ramey

This chapter talks about how the story of Nellie Grant and the founding of the Home for Colored Children (HCC) highlights many of the salient threads of the institution's history. Over its first fifty years, the HCC both reinforced and resisted racial segregation and discrimination. This tension was particularly apparent in the educational opportunities provided by the orphanage. It also saw moments of interracial cooperation through its partially integrated board of managers, raising questions about racial attitudes and the motivations of both the white and black women who served in its early years. The orphanage had complicated relationships with both whites and with African Americans. Yet the orphanage manager's initial resistance toward, and eventual shift to, racial integration was set in motion through the persistent efforts of progressive reformers and African American leaders.


2012 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-87
Author(s):  
Lakeyta M. Bonnette ◽  
Sarah M. Gershon ◽  
Precious D. Hall

The inauguration of the United States first Black President has prompted mass discussions of race relations in America. It is often articulated that America is now in a post-racial society. However, the question still remains: does the election of a Black president demonstrate that America is now a “color-blind” society? To answer this question, we rely on data collected by PEW (2007). Our results suggest that white and African Americans differ significantly in the extent to which they express post-racial attitudes. Specifically, we find that whites more commonly express post-racial attitudes, claiming that racism and discrimination are rare, in opposition to African American views. On the other hand, blacks are more likely to believe that discrimination still occurs. We further find that whites' post-racial beliefs are significant determinants of their attitudes towards race-related policies, such as affirmative action.


Author(s):  
Monika Gosin

The Politics of Division deconstructs antagonistic discourses that circulated in local Miami press between African-Americans, “white” Cubans, and “black” Cubans during the 1980 Mariel Boatlift and the 1994 Balsero Crisis. In its challenge to discourses which pit these groups against one another, the book examines the nuanced ways that identities such as “black,” “white,” and “Cuban” have been constructed and negotiated in the context of Miami’s historical multi-ethnic tensions. The book argues that dominant race-making ideologies of the white establishment regarding “worthy citizenship” shape inter-minority conflict as groups negotiate their precarious positioning within the nation. The book contends that the lived experiences of the African-Americans, white Cubans, and Afro-Cubans involved disrupt binary frames of worthy citizenship narratives, illuminating the greater complexity of racialized identities. Foregrounding the oft-neglected voices of Afro-Cubans, the book highlights how their specific racial positioning offers a challenge to white Cuban-American anti-blackness and complicates narratives that placed African-American “natives” in opposition to (white) Cuban “foreigners,” while revealing also how Afro-Cubans and other Afro-Latinos negotiate racial meanings in the United States. Focusing on the intricacy of interminority tensions in Miami, the book adds dimension to modern debates about race, blackness, immigration, interethnic relations, and national belonging.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0044118X2110466
Author(s):  
Pamela P. Martin ◽  
Sheretta T. Butler-Barnes ◽  
Meredith O. Hope

Church attendance, prayer, and faith practices play a significant role in the life experiences among African Americans, especially youth. Few studies on religious behaviors among African American youth investigate the relationship between theological orientations and racial identity. These orientations include biblical principles, other-worldliness, and social legacy. A total of 187 African American adolescents ( Mage = 15) attending 18 predominantly Black churches in two Midwestern cities participated in the study. Results provided support for two theological orientations that were associated with racial/ethnic identity in distinct ways. More specifically, other-worldliness was linked to more negative feelings about the appearance of African American adolescents and being more likely to endorse negative stereotypes about African Americans. Adolescents who perceived their church as communicating a theology based upon biblical principles reported rejecting negative stereotypes about African Americans. Study findings suggest theological orientations may be associated with shaping racial/ethnic identity attitudes among African American adolescents.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 655-672 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas P. Alt ◽  
Kimberly E. Chaney ◽  
Margaret J. Shih

Past research on confronting racial prejudice has largely examined negative racial stereotypes. In the present work, we investigate perceiver and target perspectives associated with the evaluative costs of confronting positive racial stereotypes. We demonstrate that, in general, Asian Americans and African Americans who confront positive racial stereotypes suffer higher evaluative costs compared to targets who confront negative racial stereotypes and those who do not confront due, in part, to the lower perceived offensiveness of positive stereotypes (Studies 1 and 2). Moreover, Asian American and African American participants report lower confrontation intentions and higher anticipated evaluative costs for confronting positive, compared to negative, stereotypes. Furthermore, higher perceived offensiveness and lower anticipated favorable evaluations serially mediate the relationship between stereotype valence and confrontation intentions (Study 3). Overall, this research extends our understanding of the evaluative costs associated with confronting prejudice, with important downstream consequences regarding the continued prevalence of positive racial stereotypes.


Author(s):  
Leah Wright Rigueur

This chapter studies how, as the 1970s progressed, black Republicans were able to claim clear victories in their march toward equality: the expansion of the National Black Republican Council (NBRC); the incorporation of African Americans into the Republican National Committee (RNC) hierarchy; scores of black Republicans integrating state and local party hierarchies; and individual examples of black Republican success. African American party leaders could even point to their ability to forge a consensus voice among the disparate political ideas of black Republicans. Despite their ideological differences, they collectively rejected white hierarchies of power, demanding change for blacks both within the Grand Old Party (GOP) and throughout the country. Nevertheless, black Republicans quickly realized that their strategy did not reform the party institution.


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