scholarly journals Do All Black Lives Matter Equally to Black People? Respectability Politics and the Limitations of Linked Fate

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tehama Lopez Bunyasi ◽  
Candis Watts Smith

AbstractCathy Cohen’s (1999) theory of secondary marginalization helps to explain why the needs of some members of Black communities are not prioritized on “the” Black political agenda; indeed, some groups are ignored altogether as mainstream Black public opinion shifts to the right (Tate 2010). However, the contemporary movement for Black Lives calls for an intersectional approach to Black politics. Its platform requires participants to take seriously the notion that since Black communities are diverse, so are the needs of its members. To what extent are Blacks likely to believe that those who face secondary marginalization should be prioritized on the Black political agenda? What is the role of linked fate in galvanizing support around these marginalized Blacks? To what extent does respectability politics serve to hinder a broader embrace of Blacks who face different sets of interlocking systems of oppression, such as Black women, formerly incarcerated Blacks, undocumented Black people, and Black members of LBGTQ communities in an era marked by Black social movements? We analyze data from the 2016 Collaborative Multi-Racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) to assess whether all Black lives matter to Black Americans.

Author(s):  
James L. Gibson ◽  
Michael J. Nelson

Despite popular reports that the legal system is in a state of crisis with respect to its African American constituents, research on black public opinion in general is limited owing to the difficulty and expense of assembling representative samples of minorities. We suspect that the story of lagging legal legitimacy among African Americans is in fact quite a bit more nuanced than is often portrayed. In particular, black public opinion is unlikely to be uniform and homogeneous; black people most likely vary in their attitudes toward law and legal institutions. Especially significant is variability in the experiences—personal and vicarious—black people have had with legal authorities (e.g., “stop-and-frisk”), and the nature of individuals’ attachment to blacks as a group (e.g., “linked fate”). We posit that both experiences and in-group identities are commanding because they influence the ways in which black people process information, and in particular, the ways in which blacks react to the symbols of legal authority (e.g., judges’ robes).


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Teah Monique Hairston

Systemic racism has resulted in the disproportionate imprisonment of Black people. With Black men constituting a large percentage of incarcerated bodies, many Black women (44 [percent])--mothers, wives, sisters, etc.--will experience vicarious incarceration. This research examines the ways this population, as caretakers and supporters of their incarcerated loved, ones manage resilience in their daily lives as they navigate a racist, sexist society. Ten women were interviewed about their experiences with vicarious incarceration and reentry. I conclude that the women manage resiliency largely through the support of other Black women and community-family, who--in many instances--are also experiencing vicarious incarceration and/or other racial stress and trauma. Findings provide implications for the need for effective resources, more specifically, culturally-informed, culturally-relevant resources--to assist Black communities with healing from the effects of incarceration, and to prevent and intervene in the intergenerational cycles of criminal justice entanglement.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Constance Bailey

This dissertation looks at nine works by contemporary black women writers and argues that the relationships between the major characters in the text reflect and emphasize the importance of mentoring bonds in black communities. More importantly, the project argues that by critically exploring this relationship we can come come to understand more about coming of narratives written by black women writers. These works suggest that there is a marked difference in the way that black people, black women in particular, mature, become successfully integrated into society, and deal with personal and communal crises.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Betty Ruth Lozano Lerma

Resumen: En este ensayo cuestiono la apreciación generalizada por parte de funcionarios y funcionarias del Estado colombiano de que los asesinatos de mujeres que se suceden en número alarmante en los últimos 10 años en Buenaventura, no son más que violencia intrafamiliar y que la crueldad con la que son cometidos son solo expresión de prácticas culturales tradicionalmente violentas de las comunidades negras que allí habitan. Me pr0pongo probar que la violencia contra las mujeres es parte de la estrategia de desterritorialización de la población negra por parte del capitalismo global que necesita de esos territorios para la ejecución de sus megaproyectos de gran inversión. Planteo que lo que se vive hoy en la ciudad colombiana de Buenaventura es un proceso de neo conquista y neo colonización de los territorios, los cuerpos y los imaginarios de sus habitantes, las comunidades negras e indígenas. Palabras claves: violencia, mujeres negras, desterritorialización, población negra, neo colonización. Violence against Black Women: Neo Conquest and Neo Colonization of Territory and Bodies in the Colombian Pacific Region Abstract: In this essay I question the widespread acceptance by Colombian government officials of the murders of women, occurring in alarming numbers over the last 10 years in Buenaventura, Colombia’s main port on the Pacific, as being merely domestic violence and that the ruthlessness with which these murders are being committed are simply an expression of a tradition of violent cultural practices within the black communities living there. I aim to show that this violence against women is part of the strategy of deterritorialization of the black population on the part of global capitalism in order to obtain territory needed to implement their large investment megaprojects. I argue what is happening today in the Colombian city of Buenaventura is a process of neo conquest and neo colonization of territories, bodies and imaginaries of its inhabitants, the black and indigenous communities. Key words: Violence, black women, deterritorialization, black people, neo colonization


2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Brian P. Jones

In late April 2016, at a town hall-style event in London, President Obama complained about the rising movement against the state-sanctioned murder of black people often referred to as Black Lives Matter. Activists, he admonished, should "stop yelling" and instead push for incremental change through the official "process."… The spectacle of the first black president scolding black activists in the context of a rising rate of police murder (as of this writing, the police have killed 630 individuals, at least 155 of them black, nationwide in 2016) speaks volumes about the state of black politics today.… For those trying to understand the emergence of a new black movement—or, perhaps more accurately, a new phase of a longer, older movement—on the watch of the first black president, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor's new book, From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation is an essential starting point.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.


Sister Style ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 164-171
Author(s):  
Nadia E. Brown ◽  
Danielle Casarez Lemi

This chapter examines how linked fate—a feeling of closeness to group members—may shape how Black voters respond to Black women candidates. It provides a brief review of the relevant literature on linked fate and colorism, a novel inclusion to this foundational concept in Black politics. The chapter includes colorism in an analysis of linked fate and its significance to vote choice, and it more fully fleshes out these implications for the appeal of Black women candidates to men and women voters who report a sense of linked fate. Using experimental data, the authors do not find strong evidence of heterogeneity by linked fate. The chapter ends with a discussion of how Black women candidates’ bodies influence vote choice.


2021 ◽  
pp. 369-384
Author(s):  
Joseph P. McCormick II ◽  
Todd C. Shaw ◽  
Robert A. Brown

In this volume, we have presented a conceptual framework that argues the American constitutional order has entailed various racial orders that advanced either more racially exclusive or more racially inclusive policy agendas. The American presidency has been a central actor in these orders. One key conclusion we reach based on the analyses of our contributors is that the historic presidency of Barack Obama attempted to advance the policy interests of various African American communities across several dimensions—e.g., voting rights, criminal justice reform, healthcare, and housing. And while African American communities may have had what we call an “inverted linked fate” with Obama (or linked their sense of well-being with Obama’s perceived political well-being), Obama’s personal linked fate with African American communities—i.e., Black women, Black LGBTQ persons, faith-based communities, etc.—did not overcome what we call the “inclusionary dilemma.” Despite African American voters being critical to Obama’s electoral victories, the aforementioned orders imposed constraints upon the Obama policy agenda and fueled the president’s reluctance to press more left-of-center policy prescriptions that would be of greater benefit to Black communities. We end by considering the Obama administration’s shortfalls relative to a new, progressive Black politics during the Trump administration.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bridgette Baldwin

Published: Bridgette Baldwin, Black, White, and Blue: Bias, Profiling, and Policing in the Age of Black Lives Matter, 40 W. NEW ENG. L. REV. 431 (2018).The United States has experienced a series of murders at the hands of the police in recent years, from Michael Brown to Tamir Rice to Eric Garner. The brutalization of Black people at the hands of the police is not new, but many are being introduced to the concept of police brutality through the channels of social media. Hashtags like #BlackLivesMatter and #TakeAKnee have revolutionized the conversation about racism and policing, bringing these incidents into mainstream media and common conversation. This movement has led to a deeper discussion on the following questions: (1) Why are Black people viewed as violent by the police?; (2) Why are these murders and acts of brutality being seen so regularly?; and (3) What has the criminalization of communities of color done to damage the public's perception of Black communities? This Article attempts to answer all of these questions, coming to the conclusion that while the police brutality of Black people is not new, our understanding of why these incidents occur has developed into a deeper understanding of the institutional racism behind police brutality.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026377582110411
Author(s):  
Ted Rutland

Property relations in 1980s Montreal were a venue of struggle and change. In this period, a well-organized tenants’ movement and the election of progressive governments spawned a series of legal and policy changes that strengthened tenants’ rights in the city. During the same period, however, an emerging police, government and media discourse cast Black communities as criminal ‘ghettos’, and a variety of mechanisms, including new policies meant to protect tenants’ rights, were used to evict criminalized Black tenants. Guided by recent work on property and Black geographies, respectively, this article examines how racial subjects are constituted in struggles over tenants’ rights. The racial limits of tenants’ rights in Montreal, it argues, are traceable to the socio-spatial relations of slavery and the intensifying criminalization of Black life in the 1980s, each of which nullified Black spatial belonging in the city. The tenant, the article concludes, is never just a tenant, but also a racial subject – a subject formed at the edges of blackness. In a terrain forged by slavery and its afterlives, the possibility of expansive tenants’ rights presupposes a right systemically denied in advance for Black people in the Americas: the right to exist here in the first place.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 873-901 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candice Hargons ◽  
Della Mosley ◽  
Jameca Falconer ◽  
Reuben Faloughi ◽  
Anneliese Singh ◽  
...  

Police brutality and widespread systemic racism represent historical and current sources of trauma in Black communities. Both the Black Lives Matter movement and counseling psychology propose to confront these realities at multiple levels. Black Lives Matter seeks to increase awareness about systemic racism and promote resilience among Black people. Counseling psychology states values of multiculturalism, social justice, and advocacy. Executive leadership in counseling psychology may seek to promote racial justice, yet struggle with how to participate in Black Lives Matter movements and address racial discrimination within larger systems spontaneously and consistently. However, counseling psychology trainees and professionals are actively involved in the Black Lives Matter movement, leading the way forward. Through the framework of spontaneity in social movements, this manuscript highlights what counseling psychologists are currently contributing to Black Lives Matter and makes recommendations that build on the opportunity counseling psychologists have for further involvement in the movement.


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