The 50 American States in Space and Time: Applying Conditionally Autoregressive Models

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-557
Author(s):  
Joshua L. Jackson ◽  
James E. Monogan

AbstractSpatial conditionally autoregressive (CAR) models in a hierarchical Bayesian framework can be informative for understanding state politics, or any similar population of border-defined observations. This article explains how a hierarchical CAR model is specified and estimated and then uses Monte Carlo analyses to show when the CAR model offers efficiency gains. We apply this model to data structures common to state politics: A cross-sectional example replicates Erikson, Wright and McIver’s (1993) Statehouse Democracy model and a multilevel panel model example replicates Margalit’s (2013) study of social welfare policy preferences. The CAR model fits better in each case and some inferences differ from models that ignore geographic correlation.

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-552
Author(s):  
Kerri Milita ◽  
Jaclyn Bunch ◽  
Sara Yeganeh

AbstractIs public support for social welfare programs’ contingent on an individual’s exposure to risk? Prior work has examined whether tough economic times lead people to “reach out” (i.e. become more accepting of government expansion of social welfare programs) or “pull back” (i.e. become less supportive of welfare). However, these studies do not account for the conditional relationship between an individual’s exposure to risk and his or her risk orientation. Using new survey data, we find that an individual’s risk orientation moderates the relationship between risk exposure and public support for welfare spending. When individuals perceive exposure to economic risk, those who are risk averse are highly supportive of welfare expansion; those who are risk acceptant become less supportive. Broadly, these findings suggest that public support for welfare spending is contingent on whether an individual perceives exposure to risk and, if so, the individual’s propensity to tolerate that risk.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Horman Chitonge ◽  
Ntombifikile Mazibuko

2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110153
Author(s):  
Jac C. Heckelman ◽  
John Dinan

Racially discriminatory provisions in the U.S. Constitution and southern state constitutions have been extensively analyzed, but insufficient attention has been brought to these provisions when included in northern state constitutions. We examine constitutional provisions excluding blacks from entering the state that were adopted by various northern states in the mid-19th Century. Previous scholarship has focused on the statements and votes of the convention delegates who framed these provisions. However, positions taken by delegates need not have aligned with the views of their constituents. Delegates to state constitutional conventions held in Illinois in 1847, Indiana in 1850 and 1851, and Oregon in 1857 opted to submit to voters racial-exclusion provisions separate from the vote to approve the rest of the constitution. We exploit this institutional feature by using county-level election returns in Illinois and Indiana to test claims about the importance of partisan affiliation, religious denomination, social-welfare policy concerns, labor competition, and racial-threat theory in motivating popular support for entrenching racially discriminatory policies in constitutions. We find greater levels of support for racial exclusion in areas where Democratic candidates polled better and in areas closer to slave-holding states where social-welfare policy concerns would be heightened. We find lower levels of support for racial exclusion in areas (in Indiana) with greater concentrations of Quakers. Our findings are not consistent with labor competition or racial-threat theories.


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