On the Dynamics of Ideological Identification: The Puzzle of Liberal Identification Decline

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (04) ◽  
pp. 737-755
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Coggins ◽  
James A. Stimson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Ideological Identification

Our focus is a puzzle: that ideological identification as “liberal” is in serious decline in the United States, but at the same time support for liberal policies and for the political party of liberalism is not. We aim to understand this divorce in “liberal” in name and “liberal” in policy by investigating how particular symbols rise and fall as associations with the ideological labels “liberal” and “conservative.” We produce three kinds of evidence to shed light on this macro-level puzzle. First, we explore the words associated with “liberal” and “conservative” over time. Then we take up a group conception by examining the changing correlations between affect toward “liberals” and affect toward other groups. Finally, we consider the changing policy correlates of identification.

Second and Third Sessions of the Seventy-fifth Congress, 1937–38

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 1099-1123
Author(s):  
O. R. Altman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Entire Country

The election returns of November, 1936, seemed to portray a democracy strongly united behind a leader and a program of action. It appeared that Franklin D. Roosevelt and his New Deal platform had been endorsed by nearly every interest and section in the United States, and an overwhelmingly Democratic Congress selected to enact into law those principles for which he “had just begun to fight.” Within six months, however, that unity started to disintegrate. Congress began to dissect carefully the program which the President proclaimed to be both beneficial for the entire country and politically prudent for the political party which he headed.

Declaration of Nelson W. Polsby in Badham v. Eu

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (03) ◽  
pp. 568-572
Author(s):  
Nelson W. Polsby
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
United States Supreme Court ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Judgment ◽  
United States Census ◽  
Trade Offs ◽  
Conflicting Interests

1. I offer the Court this declaration because I believe that it is helpful for the Court to consider the extent to which the reapportionment process is inescapably political and value-laden. The drawing of district boundaries requires the weighing of many different and often conflicting interests. Any result will be a political result pleasing to some and not to others. Tests that could be used by the courts to manage cases, like this one, in which a partisan group petitions the courts to impose a judicial result in a state in which one political party claims to be disadvantaged by the outcome of the political process, are not neutral but political in their outcomes, and trade-offs between and among the various tests that might be used require the exercise of political judgment.2. In the early 1960s, the United States Supreme Court affirmed the principle that members of Congress must represent districts containing equal numbers ofindividuals(regardless of whether they vote or are even eligible to vote) as measured by the United States census. The application of this standard required only that the courts determine the respective populations of districts, a readily manageable task. The plaintiffs in this case, however, are asking the Court to do something much more difficult, namely protect the interests of one of many political or socialgroups, and have suggested that there may be an ideal degree of collective “effectiveness” of votes cast by a particular group. This is an entirely different matter.

scholarly journals The Moving Centre: Preferences for Government Activity in Britain, 1950–2005

2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bartle ◽  
Sebastian Dellepiane-Avellaneda ◽  
James Stimson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Strategies ◽  
Over Time

The political ‘centre’ is often discussed in debates about public policy and analyses of party strategies and election outcomes. Yet, to date, there has been little effort to estimate the political centre outside the United States. This article outlines a method of estimating the political centre using public opinion data collected for the period between 1950 and 2005. It is demonstrated that it is possible to measure the centre in Britain, that it moves over time, that it shifts in response to government activity and, furthermore, that it has an observable association with general election outcomes.

scholarly journals Rights to Healthcare in the United States: Inherently Unstable

2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 326-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Orentlicher
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Affordable Care Act ◽  
The United States ◽  
Access To Healthcare ◽  
The Political ◽  
Patient Protection ◽  
Full Effect ◽  
Healthcare Coverage ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

Although international covenants have long recognized a fundamental right to healthcare, and other countries provide healthcare coverage for all of their citizens, rights to healthcare in the United States have been adopted only grudgingly, and in a manner that is inherently unstable. While a solid right to healthcare would provide much benefit to individuals and society, the political and judicial branches of the U.S. government have granted rights that are incomplete and vulnerable to erosion over time.Unfortunately, enactment of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) does not change these fundamental weaknesses in the regime of U.S. healthcare rights. Millions of Americans will remain uninsured after ACA takes full effect, and rather than creating a more stable right to healthcare, ACA gives unstable rights to more people. As a result, even if ACA survives its constitutional challenges, access to healthcare still will be threatened by the potential for attrition of the rights that ACA provides.

Movement Means Changing Politics

2021 ◽  
pp. 161-205
Author(s):  
Deva R. Woodly
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Support ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Empirical Data ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Opinion Change ◽  
Over Time

Chapter 5 reports on the political impacts of the movement thus far, including the way it has reshaped public discourse and political meanings, transformed public opinion, and influenced public policy. This chapter contains extensive empirical data, including records of public opinion change over time, maps of where progressive prosecutors have been elected across the United States, lists of policies aimed at “defunding the police” or what abolitionist call nonreformist reforms, which emphasize divesting from police and prisons and investing in social support, policies that are under consideration or have been adopted by state and municipal legislatures.

scholarly journals Is Political Ideology Stable? Evidence from Long-Serving Members of the United States Congress

Economies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franklin G. Mixon ◽  
Chandini Sankaran ◽  
Kamal P. Upadhyaya
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Pooled Data ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Psychology Literature ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

This study extends the political science and political psychology literature on the political ideology of lawmakers by addressing the following question: How stable is a legislator’s political ideology over time? In doing so, we employ Nokken–Poole scores of legislators’ political ideology for members of the United States (U.S.) House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate who were elected prior to the 103rd Congress that began in early 1991 and who served consecutively through the 115th Congress, which ended in early 2019. Results from individual time-series estimations suggest that political ideology is unstable over time for a sizable portion of the members of both major political parties who serve in the U.S. Congress, while analysis of the pooled data suggests that, after accounting for inertia in political ideology and individual legislator effects, Republican legislators become more conservative over time. These results run somewhat counter to the finding in prior studies that the political ideologies of lawmakers and other political elites are stable over time.

scholarly journals Is Commitment Getting Infected Too? How COVID-19 Stay-Home Orders Influence Workgroup Commitment

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Stein ◽  
Jennifer Chatman ◽  
Juliana Schroeder
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Group Cohesion ◽  
The United States ◽  
Panel Survey ◽  
Cross Sectional Survey ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Duration Of Stay ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Over Time

The COVID-19 pandemic and associated “Stay-Home” restrictions in the United States have disrupted employees’ lives. We leverage the change brought on by the Stay-Home restrictions to examine corresponding changes in employees’ commitment to their workgroup. Specifically, we advance and test a model predicting that the Stay-Home restrictions prevented workgroups from engaging in rigidly performed, meaningful workplace activities (i.e., ritualistic workplace activities), which subsequently made members feel that the group was less cohesive and ultimately reduced members’ workgroup commitment. We also compare changes in workgroup commitment to changes in workgroup identification, hypothesizing that commitment to one’s group erodes more than identification when workgroups are perceived to be less cohesive. We test our model in a four-wave panel survey of 772 U.S. employees at the onset of the Stay-Home restrictions, which allows us to examine within-person changes to commitment over time. Consistent with our hypotheses, commitment decreased as the duration of Stay-Home restrictions increased, which was mediated by corresponding declines in engaging in ritualistic workplace activities and perceptions of the workgroup’s cohesiveness. Further, commitment to one’s workgroup declined more than did identification with the workgroup, due to the stronger relationship between perceived group cohesion and commitment (vs. identification). We replicated these results in a separate, preregistered cross-sectional survey. Our findings shed light on the mechanisms underlying workgroup commitment, demonstrating that engagement in ritualistic activities, which enhance workgroup cohesion, is linked to stronger commitment— more so than identification—over time.

Border Policies

The Border ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 45-73
Author(s):  
Martin A. Schain
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Border Control ◽  
United States Immigration ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
States Immigration ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Border Controls ◽  
Over Time

This chapter examines how border policies have evolved in Europe and the United States. It goes beyond law and deals more broadly with what has been termed “policy output. ” The chapter considers how policies have varied over time and space, and the author argues that in both Europe and the United States immigration policy has increasingly become focused on the border, the reinforcement of border controls, and the link between other aspects of immigration to these controls. The framing of the political problem of immigration—as one of legal entry in the United States, and integration in Europe—has been connected to questions of border control and enforcement. Even as levels of immigration have been stable, or even in decline, policy on the border has become more important. The chapter concludes by dealing with outcomes, which help us to understand the relevance of policy objectives.

scholarly journals Zbigniew Brzeziński a John Mearsheimer — dwie wizje rozwoju stosunków chińsko-amerykańskich

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Piotr Kimla
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Communist China ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Over Time ◽  
China’S Growth ◽  
Zbigniew Brzezinski

The analysis aims to show the differences in the approach to the growth of communist China as perceived by Zbigniew Brzeziński and John Mearsheimer. It shows that the distinctly different attitudes of these thinkers to China’s growth at the beginning of the 21st century were getting closer over time. It happened as a result of the evolving position of Brzeziński, who gradually realized the danger America’s consent and aid in China’s enormous economic leap poses to the United States. That is why, towards the end of his life, Brzeziński began to write about the necessity to include Russia in the political body of the West, on the condition, however, that Vladimir Putin, whose authoritarian rule aims to recreate the fascist experiment in Italy, is removed from power.

Afterword

Focaal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (79) ◽  
pp. 67-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Don Kalb
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Surplus Value ◽  
The Past ◽  
Use Values ◽  
Urban Commons ◽  
Over Time

Commoning over time generates customs in common and therefore commonalities. The political mobilizations of the past years may well be understood as a form of urban commoning. However, while such mobilizations may sometimes understand themselves as anticapitalist, one should resist the apparently logical idea (1) that the use values off ered by an urban commons are inevitably the opposite of surplus value, (2) that the urban commons will not just in theory but in practice be “open for everyone,” (3) and that such commons are necessarily horizontalist and universalist, as the Left might claim. Historical fascism and the rise of the new Right in Europe and the United States show that there is an exclusivist and hierarchical commons against the market too.

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