scholarly journals Popular Referendum and Electoral Accountability

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 715-731 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Le Bihan

This paper studies how citizen-initiated referenda affect the decision-making of elected representatives. In the absence of direct democracy, elected officials who do not share the preferences of voters may enact their preferred policies even at the cost of decreasing the likelihood of reelection. Direct democracy diminishes the policy benefits of doing that, as voters may now overturn some of the policy decisions. Hence, elected officials are induced to implement the policies preferred by the voters not only on those issues that are subject to a possible citizen-initiated referendum, but also on those that are not. This result holds even when the voters’ information about their true interests is limited. Moreover, whereas in a representative democracy, being more informed may undermine voters’ ability to control public officials, the possibility of citizen-initiated referenda means that additional information improves voter control, including on issues that may be outside the direct democracy domain.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Carlo Invernizzi Accetti ◽  
Giulia Oskian

We examine the democratic legitimacy of popular referendums asking whether they should be understood as bypassing or complementing representative institutions. To answer this question, we focus on the distinction between legislative referendums and consultative ones, noting that even though referendums of the latter kind are by far more prevalent from an empirical point of view, their specific role in democratic decision-making remains under-theorized in the existing literature. We therefore focus on consultative referendums as a possible way of reconciling the referendum procedure with representative democracy. First, we clarify the specific conception of representative democracy that underscores our study; second, we develop the idea that consultative referendums are to be understood to specify the political mandate of elected representatives; finally, we apply the results of this conceptual work to the case of the Greek bailout and the Brexit referendums, aiming to dispel some lingering misconceptions concerning the normative implications of their results and thereby clarifying the normative significance of our theory.


Author(s):  
Ben Abramowitz ◽  
Nicholas Mattei

We introduce Flexible Representative Democracy (FRD), a novel hybrid of Representative Democracy (RD) and Direct Democracy (DD), in which voters can alter the issue-dependent weights of a set of elected representatives. In line with the literature on Interactive Democracy, our model allows the voters to actively determine the degree to which the system is direct versus representative. However, unlike Liquid Democracy, FRD uses strictly non-transitive delegations, making delegation cycles impossible, preserving privacy and anonymity, and maintaining a fixed set of accountable elected representatives. We present FRD and analyze it using a computational approach with issues that are independent, binary, and symmetric; we compare the outcomes of various democratic systems using Direct Democracy with majority voting and full participation as an ideal baseline. We find through theoretical and empirical analysis that FRD can yield significant improvements over RD for emulating DD with full participation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maija Setälä

The normative point of departure in this article is that mini-publics can “complement” representative democracy only if they enhance inclusive processes of mutual justification among elected representatives who are responsible for public decisions. This article distinguishes three different roles of mini-publics in representative decision-making. Mini-publics can be 1) advisory when they provide input for collective will-formation in the representative arena, 2) collaborative when they involve elected representatives in the deliberative process, 3) scrutinizing when they check representative decision-making. The article analyzes strengths and weaknesses of these roles of mini-publics. Advisory mini-publics are particularly vulnerable to “cherry-picking.” While collaborative uses of mini-publics may facilitate inclusive reason-giving among elected representatives, they entail risks of representative dominance. Scrutinizing use of mini-publics seem particularly promising from the normative perspective, but it requires a well-defined institutional framework. The article concludes that while there are ways to avoid problems emerging in these different roles, political context is crucial in terms of the deliberative impact of mini-publics.


EDIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ricky W. Telg ◽  
Shelli Rampold

This EDIS document is part of a series on communicating with elected officials. Elected officials at the local, state, and national levels create policies and laws that can impact the agricultural and natural resources (ANR) sector in Florida. This publication (a) discusses how county commissioners prepare to vote on ANR policies, (b) identifies factors that impact county commissioners’ decision-making about ANR policy decisions, (c) identifies sources county commissioners’ use to gather ANR information, and (d) discusses how information from Extension faculty and other individuals can be presented to effectively inform elected officials on important ANR topics, explain complex processes, and educate them about Extension programs.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mark W. Gobbi

<p>This thesis is a comparative constitutional study of the origin and role of direct democracy in Switzerland, California, and New Zealand. It reveals that the direct democracy systems in these jurisdictions came into being as a consequence of sustained periods of economic turmoil which coincided with widespread disillusionment with the performance of elected representatives. Constitutional reformers in these jurisdictions embraced direct democracy as a means of improving, not displacing, representative democracy. Their aim was to restore the legitimacy of their constitutional systems. The study also demonstrates that the majoritarian potential of the direct democracy devices in Switzerland, California, and New Zealand is limited. It is limited to the extent that is consistent with the constitutional principles underlying representative democracy in these jurisdictions, particularly those designed to protect minority rights. This reconciles the competing philosophical traditions on which most of the arguments for and against direct democracy are based. Provided minority rights are protected sufficiently, Jeffersonian-inspired advocates of direct democracy should not offend adherents of representative democracy, whether Burkeian or Madisonian in its conception. This thesis concludes that the direct democracy systems in Switzerland, California, and New Zealand are not the same, nor could be, given the unique forces that contributed to the formation and practice of constitutional law in these jurisdictions. They are different primarily because direct and representative democracy coalesced differently in Switzerland, California, and New Zealand due to variations in the constitutional principles underlying representative democracy in these jurisdictions. These principles vary because constitutional law in each jurisdiction is a unique and intricate confluence of law, politics, history, economics, and cultural expectations. This study also fills a void in the literature on direct democracy, primarily by documenting the origin of New Zealand's direct democracy system, analysing its possible role, and comparing it to the origin and role of the systems in Switzerland and California. In doing so, it provides a detailed examination of the origin and role of direct democracy in Switzerland and California, topics that have previously escaped comprehensive treatment.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 620-624 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tyler Johnson ◽  
Kathleen Tipler ◽  
Tyler Camarillo

ABSTRACTAmericans are engaged in a heated, sometimes violent, debate over the fate of Confederate monuments. As communities decide whether to remove these monuments, elected and appointed officials typically have had the final say. What if instead of allowing elected officials to make such decisions, voters had the power? Would this affect how the public feels about the outcome, win or lose? We used a survey experiment to examine whether the mode of decision making affects public attitudes, testing the effects of a decision made by public referendum versus by a city council. We found that respondents view decisions made by referendum to be fairer and more legitimate and allow multiple perspectives to be heard. These results hold even for respondents who oppose the referendum’s outcome. Our results speak to the potential of direct democracy to enhance public acceptance of decisions, particularly when the public is divided.


2022 ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
İhsan İkizer

Direct democracy, an early form of democracy, which was applied in city states of ancient Athens, is at the agenda of politics again, especially at local levels due to the limitations of the representative democracy. People do not want to voice their ideas about the cities or countries where they live just once in four or five years by casting their votes in the ballot box. They desire to be involved in decision-making mechanisms, at least for relatively more important issues that might have direct effect over their lives. Today, more local governments are applying direct democracy tools in line with the expectations of local residents and as a requirement of the local governance principle of participation. Of course, as it is the case in representative democracy, direct democracy, which aims civic engagement for each significant decision, has some limitations. This chapter will explore the implementation of direct democracy by municipalities in Turkey, with all its variation, sources of motivation, opportunities, and challenges.


Author(s):  
Jorge San Vicente Feduchi

Resumen: El referéndum, entendido como “la oportunidad de que los electores participen en el proceso de toma de decisión votando sobre una cuestión más o menos específica y determinada” (Uleri, 1996, p. 2), ha tomado históricamente infinidad de formas, con desenlaces diversos dependiendo del contexto en el que ha sido desarrollado. No obstante, tanto la proliferación como la relevancia que este mecanismo ha adquirido en las democracias contemporáneas plantean nuevas vías de estudio, entre las que se encuentra su potencial para encauzar una participación efectiva frente a su reducido uso tradicional como mero mecanismo de legitimación política. El artículo tiene como objetivo plantear las bases para la discusión del uso referéndum en relación a una concepción de la democracia que se extienda más allá de la lógica de la representatividad.Palabras clave: Referéndum, democracia directa, democracia representativa, participación, representación, iniciativa.Abstract: The referendum, understood as “the opportunity for electors to participate in a decision-making process by voting on an issue more or less specific and determined” (Uleri, 1996, p. 2), has historically taken an infinite amount of shapes, with diverse outcomes depending on the context in which it has taken place. However, the recent surge both in its use and its relevance in contemporary democracies raises new research lines, among which is its potential to channel an effective participation in contrast to its traditional use as a simple legitimation mechanism. The article’s objective is to set the foundation for a discussion on the use of referendums in relation to a conception of democracy that goes beyond the logic of representation.Keywords: Referendum, direct democracy, representative democracy, participation, representation, initiative.


2004 ◽  
Vol 94 (4) ◽  
pp. 1034-1054 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Maskin ◽  
Jean Tirole

We build a simple model to capture the major virtues and drawbacks of making public officials accountable (i.e., subjecting them to reelection): On the one hand, accountability allows the public to screen and discipline their officials; on the other, it may induce those officials to pander to public opinion and put too little weight on minority welfare. We study when decision-making powers should be allocated to the public directly (direct democracy), to accountable officials (called “politicians”), or to nonaccountable officials (called “judges”).


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 8881-8884

The article analyzes the dynamics of the indicators of the merger and acquisition market in the banking sector, as well as the indicator of revocation of banking licenses. The analysis has shown the outperformance of bank decrease in relation to bank acquisition over the same period, which indicates a significant impact of license revocation on the merger and acquisition market. The article assesses the impact of the merger and acquisition market on the structure of proportional regulation in favor of banks with universal licenses. An increase in the concentration of capital is observed, especially in banks with state participation. The article investigates the methods of calculating the cost of mergers and acquisitions. The authors propose to add two more factors to the already known factors of change in earnings per share due to mergers and acquisitions: the type of license revoked by the regulator as a result of the rehabilitation and goodwill, which should be considered in the merger cost using additional coefficients. This will allow the merger cost to be more accurately determined and provide the investor with additional information for decision-making.


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