scholarly journals A General Approach to Measuring Electoral Competitiveness for Parties and Governments

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Axel Cronert ◽  
Pär Nyman

Abstract We develop a general approach to measuring electoral competitiveness for parties and governments, which is distinct from existing approaches in two ways. First, it allows us to estimate the actual probabilityof re-electing the incumbent into office, which lies closer to the theoretical concept of interest than most widely used proxies. Second, it incorporates both pre-electoral competitiveness—that is, the uncertainty about the outcome of the upcoming election—and post-electoral competitiveness—that is, the uncertainty concerning who will form the government given a certain election result. The approach can be applied to, and compared across, a multitude of institutional settings and is particularly advantageous in analyses of multiparty democracies. To demonstrate its full potential, we first apply the approach on 1,700 local government elections in Sweden. Three advantages over existing approaches are documented: Our election probability measure shows substantial variation over the election cycle, it can be accurately measured for a single party as well as a government, and it is more capable of predicting re-election into office than any previous measure of electoral competitiveness. A second application on 400 national elections in 34 democracies shows that the approach also works well in a more challenging cross-national setting.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shreyas Sardesai

This article attempts to empirically test the claims made by several commentators that religious polarization was at the core of the 2019 Lok Sabha election verdict. Relying heavily on the National Election Study (NES) data sets, it finds that the election result was in large measure an outcome of massive vote consolidation on religious lines, with the majority Hindu community preferring the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in unprecedented proportion and the main religious minorities largely staying away from it, although there were some exceptions. It shows that, for two national elections in a row, the Narendra Modi- and Amit Shah-led BJP has been able to overcome the caste hierarchies among Hindus and systematically construct a Hindu category of voters versus others. This chasm between Hindus and the minorities is also seen with respect to their attitudes regarding the government, its leadership and contentious issues like the Ayodhya dispute. This article, however, does not find sufficient evidence with regard to the claims that a large part of the Hindu support for the BJP-led alliance may have been on account of anti-minority sentiments.


Subject The European elections in Poland. Significance In the past few months, each of Poland’s political forces has striven to create a momentum of successive election success for the 2019-20 election cycle. In the aftermath of the European Parliament (EP) elections, it seems only the governing Law and Justice (PiS) party has succeeded in doing so. Impacts If PiS wins the Sejm elections with a sufficiently large majority, it will begin preparing to change the constitution. Emboldened by the election result, PiS will now seek to take over private media outlets under the slogan of ‘repolonisation’. Despite increased spending commitments, the government expects the 2019 budget deficit to remain relatively low at 1.7% of GDP.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Caiazza ◽  
David Audretsch ◽  
Tiziana Volpe ◽  
Julie Debra Singer

Purpose – Existing work documents the role that institutional setting plays in the process of spin-off creation. However, despite decades of studies, scholars have not clearly explained why some regions are more involved in spin-off activity than others. Drawing from institutional theory, the purpose of this paper is to compare different institutional settings identifying factors affecting the general environment capability to support spin-off activity of a specific region. Design/methodology/approach – The authors utilize a cross-national analysis of American, Asian, and European areas identifying factors affecting their different rate of spin-off activity. This study contributes to the policy debate concerning entrepreneurship and how best to spur spin-off activities. Findings – In this paper, the authors identify the general and specific factors that explain the cross-national diversity in spin-off creation. The authors then perform an analysis of the impact of these factors in various regions of the USA, Asia, and Europe, providing evidence for the necessity of specific combinations of these factors. Originality/value – The paper offers a new perspective on the causes of spin-offs through a cross-national analysis of many areas around the world.


Author(s):  
Qiaoling Su ◽  
Xunchang Zhang ◽  
Jianming Ye

This study tests the effect of unbalanced power distance (PD) (i.e., Hofstede’s cultural dimensions PD index) and individual stock price crash risk. We examine the stock price behavior of listed firms in 37 countries from 2004 to 2016 and use multivariate analyses to document that societal PD is important in explaining firms’ propensity to release accounting information. This propensity suggests a psychological tendency regarding timing management, particularly for bad news. As countries with large PD prefer to keep things under control, the result is fewer unexpected stock price crashes during the long windows between election events. However, because large-PD countries focus their markets on maintaining temporary peace before and during periods of political events (i.e., national elections), crash risk increases after the political event window. Consistent with these predictions, we find that in large-PD countries, companies generally have less incentive to hide negative information and thus generate stock price crashes. This situation is substantially changed during the postpolitical windows, when firms and ways of spreading information are more controlled by the government. Our findings suggest that formal mechanisms alone are insufficient to explain the behaviors of corporate disclosure that are entangled with informal instruments.


CosmoGov ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Muliadi Anangkota

The system of government that practiced in many countries today tend to experience the changes. Some countries have special characteristics of its own in the event of the existence of the country. Characteristic of the country one is to have a system of government. This article is the result of the study the theoretical concept about the classification system of government that until now still practiced in various countries. Study method using the methods of the study of literature with descriptive approach. Study results showed that in the classification of the system of government is currently consists of the parliamentary system, presidential, mixture and a referendum. The system of government to be one of the determining factors in the sustainability of the statehood. On the other the government will run effectively and normal where the old system that is selected and used in accordance with the social political conditions character state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maricar Garde ◽  
Nicholas Mathers ◽  
Thakur Dhakal

Nepal’s Child Grant was introduced in 2009, and the government made a commitment to enhance and expand the programme in 2016. This contribution argues that good evidence, local popularity, and a combination of political legitimacy and opportunity were all necessary to bring about the reforms. Despite initial underinvestment and various design and implementation challenges, the reforms provide a solid platform to help the programme realise its full potential.


1980 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 206-215
Author(s):  
M. Tahar Ahmedouamar

In France the public financing of national election campaigns as practiced throughout its history has not yet resolved several problems which are related to the legal and political development of French institutions and society. This current legal situation, which is still in a state of transition, has been based on a series of conceptions which do not reflect the reality of modern political campaigns. So far, the French legislation seems to ignore the tremendous importance of contemporary advertising as a means of favoring candidates who can afford it and provides that only a limited number of activities, printed materials, and a limited amount of media time be given for free by the government in order to make a person's abilities and platform known. The Government of the Fifth Republic, instead of increasing its support to financial campaigns, has generally acted in such a way as if some limitations on necessary expenses would put all the candidates on the same level. Another problem consists of the deliberate ignoring of the existence of the parties in the legal sense, with the exception of broadcast regulations which do mention the parties and political groups by name. The dichotomy between the legislation and reality is so great that very often when the rules are violated, no judicial sanctions are imposed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (5) ◽  
pp. 714-723 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ursula Daxecker ◽  
Elio Amicarelli ◽  
Alexander Jung

Recent elections in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Iraq, Kenya, Nigeria, and Pakistan have displayed substantial contestation and violence. A growing literature explores the causes and consequences of electoral contention and violence, but researchers lack comprehensive, disaggregated data establishing a substantive link between elections and violence. The Electoral Contention and Violence (ECAV) dataset conceptualizes electoral contention as nonviolent or violent events of contestation by state or non-state actors related to national elections. The data contain more than 18,000 events of election-related contention covering 136 countries holding competitive national elections between 1990 and 2012. This article describes the scope of ECAV, presents the project’s definition of electoral contention and the variables included, and outlines the coding procedure. We then compare ECAV to other datasets on electoral contention. Cross-national and subnational analyses of electoral competition and violence show that the data are useful for assessing the global and subnational implications of existing theories. ECAV addresses current data limitations by focusing on election-related contention, by using clear criteria to determine whether events are election-related, and by identifying the timing, geocoded location, and actors involved.


Author(s):  
Lida Holtzhausen

Present-day South Africa is characterised by many societal and developmental issues, such as HIV awareness and prevention, child-headed households, environmental protection, poverty alleviation, violence and victim aid. However, it is widely acknowledged that government alone cannot address these issues effectively. The role of non-profit organisations (NPOs) in addressing social and development issues is increasingly emphasised. NPOs work at grass-roots level and they can therefore, on the whole, identify societal vulnerabilities and risks earlier than the government sector. However, due to the economic recession, NPOs operate in a competitive environment where an increasing number of NPOs rely on a small number of donors and other resources. NPOs should therefore differentiate themselves from the competition in order to obtain public legitimacy and funding. Corporate identity management is important for NPOs to fulfil their role in social welfare and thus contribute to disaster risk reduction. The exploratory nature of this study dictates a qualitative research approach. Semi-structured interviews with management of five NPOs in the social welfare sector were conducted in order to provide an answer to the study’s research question: ‘To what extent do NPOs in the social welfare sector practise corporate identity management, in order to prevent and address social welfare risks?’ The research found that NPOs do not realise the full potential of managing their corporate identities. NPOs therefore do not take advantage of a strong and distinct corporate identity which would allow them to ensure their ability to assess, address, reduce and/or alleviate vulnerabilities and disaster risks.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Maves Braithwaite ◽  
Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham

Abstract Scholars have spent decades investigating various sources of rebellion, from societal and institutional explanations to individual motivations to take up arms against one's government. One element of the civil war process that has gone largely unstudied from a cross-national perspective is the role preexisting organizations in society play in the formation of rebel groups, principally due to a lack of comparable data on the origins of these armed actors across conflicts. In an effort to fill this gap, we present the Foundations of Rebel Group Emergence (FORGE) dataset, which offers information on the “parent” organizations and the founding processes that gave rise to rebel groups active between 1946 and 2011 in intrastate conflicts included in the Uppsala Conflict Data Program's Armed Conflict Database. The new information on rebel foundations introduced in this research note should help scholars to reconsider and newly explore a variety of conditions before, during, and after civil wars including rebel-civilian interactions, structures of rebel organizations, bargaining processes with the government, participation in postwar governance, and more.


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