Gender inequality, the welfare state, disability, and distorted commodification of care in Turkey

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Reyhan Atasü-Topcuoğlu

Abstract Reforming care regimes to cover the care deficit and enhancing the marketization of care to promote individualism and gender equality have been on the European agenda since the 1990s. However, both implementation and results have been path-dependent. This study first underlines some specificities in the Turkish case—namely, the limited welfare state, a large shadow economy, gender roles, patriarchal backlash, Islamization, and neoliberalism, all of which receive little treatment in the welfare state literature. It then analyzes how these specificities interact in the construction of the care regime in Turkey, conceptualizing the outcome as distorted commodification of care—namely, the continuing ambiguity of care services despite these activities producing precarity and positional suffering for caregivers and recipients. Finally, the study provides concrete examples from the less studied topic of long-term disability care. It presents a perspective on Turkey that foregrounds the connections between gendered care imagery and case-specific qualities of the commodification of care shaped by the long-standing shadow economy, the outsourcing of disability services to for-profit private companies, and the introduction of the cash-for-care policy. The study analyzes the outcomes of distorted commodification of care under these conditions in Turkey vis-à-vis visibility, valuation of work, working conditions, and gender inequality.

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 745-765 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Svallfors ◽  
Anna Tyllström

Abstract In this article, we analyse the striking resilience of for-profit care and service provision in what has often been seen as the archetypical social democratic welfare state: Sweden. We focus on the strategic discursive activities of private companies and their business organizations as they try to influence perceptions, organize actors and facilitate communication to defend profit-making in the welfare sector in the face of increasing conflict and opposition. We argue that taking such organized action into account changes dominant perceptions about the characteristics of the Swedish political economy, and carries important lessons for analyses of changes in the organization of the welfare state in general.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik

Social policy matters have long been considered women’s issues. Extant research has documented a strong link between gender and the policies of the welfare state in the legislative, executive and electoral arenas. Yet what determines the strength of this association has largely been left unexplored. Drawing on tokenism theory, this article proposes gender diversity at the group level as a key explanatory factor. It hypothesizes that the gender gap in social policy diminishes as the female representation in a political party increases. To test this argument, it examines almost 8000 press releases issued by over 600 politicians during four election campaigns in Austria between 2002 and 2013. The analysis demonstrates that women talk more about social policy issues during election campaigns than men, but that this emphasis gap disappears for parties with a more equal gender balance. These results have important implications for our understanding of the politics of gender and social policy.


2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
MIMI AJZENSTADT ◽  
ZEEV ROSENHEK

This article analyses the formulation and implementation of a relatively new statutory programme of care services for dependent elderly people in Israel, which has as a basic characteristic the supply of services by non-state agencies. The analysis serves as a basis for an exploration of the effects of privatisation and the emergence of quasi-markets upon the functioning of the welfare state both as a benefits provider and as a major employer. In contrast to the perspectives that consider privatisation as leading to the weakening of the state in the welfare domain, we argue that through the transfer of services supplied by non-state agencies the state protects itself from demands and pressures from clients, while maintaining its control and regulation capabilities. This process decreases the state's accountability towards its citizens, enhancing in turn its autonomy. Privatisation policies do not imply, therefore, the dissolution of the welfare state, but rather the emergence of a new mode of state intervention.


2019 ◽  
pp. 225-240
Author(s):  
Leirvik Oddbjørn

In this paper the author describes and analyzes central features of Islam and Muslim-Christian relations in Norway. By close observation of the tension between interreligious solidarity and aggressive identity politics, the author highlights some central features of the trust-building Christian-Muslim dialogue in Norway. He also notes how anti-Islamic sentiments in part of the majority population are reflected in radicalization among some Muslim youths. However, the situation in general is described in more optimistic terms. He also identifies two examples showing that the majority of the Muslim population seem to endorse strong values evident in society in general– such as the welfare state and gender equality. Finally, the author poses the question pertaining to the way in which Christians and Muslims may adopt a unified stance against extremism.


Author(s):  
Tania Toffanin

The contribution aims to articulate in critical terms the condition of women in Italy, in light of the recent transformations that have affected the welfare state and labour market. In particular, the attention has been paid to the more hidden aspects of the recent reforms implemented by Italian governments, concerning the relation between care work and social and material changes. The casualization of labour among young women is producing a postponement of the reproductive choices while among older ones, especially the unskilled ones, it is producing a returning as a full-time housewives, with all the implications that this dynamic has in terms of loss of emancipation and autonomy. For many women the impossibility to balance work and personal life is leading to their exclusion from the labour market. The reflections developed in this paper aim to highlight the process of invisibilization that continues to mark the reproductive work and the consequences that this process has on the reproduction of class and gender inequalities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Gudmund Ågotnes ◽  
Jill-Marit Moholt ◽  
Bodil H. Blix

Abstract In the context of current and expected demographic changes, the issues of which services the welfare state should offer and, ultimately, the very function of the welfare state are currently debated in Norway. The political discourse on health and care services for older adults has morphed into an accepted reality in which the system must be altered, prompting policy makers and stakeholders to find new and novel solutions to problems associated with population ageing. In this paper, we discuss one such proposed solution: the transformation of health and care services for the older adult population through the increased involvement of volunteers. We ask how volunteer efforts are articulated and delineated through official accounts and discuss the implications of such an articulation and delineation. We seek answers to these questions through a critical discourse analysis of recent governmental white papers. We investigate, in other words, volunteer efforts as a political instrument. We argue that the official representation of how efforts in health and care services should be re-aligned take the form of a distinct discourse of ‘voluntarism’. Within this ‘voluntarism’, volunteer efforts have been altered from a third sector comprising charity and non-profit organisations that contribute within or as a supplement to the largely public-run welfare system to a limitless and extensive concept that is blurring the boundaries to informal care.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
James Blewett

These are uncertain and difficult times for those both delivering and those receiving social work and social care services. After nearly a decade of ‘austerity’ there has been a significant reduction in the size and scope of the welfare state (Johnstone, 2016). Furthermore there is no sign that this process abating with the sector facing a period of further uncertainty and contraction (Crewe, 2016). Against this backdrop there has been a period of Government driven ‘reform’ which has seen significant changes to the sector in both adults and children’s services. This reform process has affected many professional roles but there has been particular scrutiny, and, at times intensive, debate about the role and nature of social work in contemporary care services (Featherstone et al, 2014). This short paper considers these changes from the perspective of Making Research Count, a national university based research dissemination project that has attempted to support the development of knowledge informed practice throughout this period.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tine Rostgaard

The free choice of a home-care provider was introduced in Danish home care in 2001. This article discusses the overall premises for the introduction of free choice in home care and how it constitutes an overarching response to the crisis of the welfare state. The government at that time intended free choice to lead to more user-led services, more cost-efficient services, and the development of a care market, all in line with its ideology. The article argues that to achieve these ambitions, the government introduced many new but implicit assumptions about the role and the responsibilities of the user of care. On the basis of qualitative interviews with elderly users, care workers, and care assessors, the article examines these assumptions and their implications for the user. The findings show that most users desire continuity in care more than the opportunity to ‘exit' a care relationship. Moreover, users do not rate quality any higher in the private for-profit sector than in the public. The article concludes that consumerism is in Denmark now part of the logic of governance, thereby changing the conditionality of the welfare state and its subjects, and creating new forms of risks, responsibilities, and dependencies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
J Kalseth

Abstract Background Improving the health and wellbeing of the oldest old population is a key public health policy concern considering the rapid aging of the world’s population. The purpose of this study was to investigate the impact of the welfare state on different aspects of mental wellbeing of the oldest old population in Europe. Several approaches to measure welfare state types were compared. Methods The study used individual level data from Round 6 of the European Social Survey to measure six dimensions of mental wellbeing among the 80+ population including countries belonging to the European Union or European Economic Area. Welfare state types were measured using one welfare state- and three elderly care regime typologies, as well as three welfare state dimensions based on factor analyses of several welfare state characteristics. Welfare state impact on mental wellbeing was analysed by multilevel regression analyses, controlling for age and gender. Results The preliminary results show that universalistic and service-based regimes, as e.g. Nordic countries, are associated with higher level of subjective wellbeing and social trust, but not psychological wellbeing, compared to family-based regimes with low formal support. East Europe have lower scores on all dimensions compared to Nordic countries. The welfare state dimension capturing prioritisation of health and social services and gender equality is positively associated with all wellbeing aspects, whereas the factors capturing labour market participation of seniors and income equality respectively, are only significantly associated with subjective wellbeing and social trust. Conclusions The result point to caring approaches with high level of formal support and gender equalisation as key to enhance all aspects of mental wellbeing for the oldest old. Stimulating long duration of working life and reducing income inequalities have the potential to increase life satisfaction and happiness and social trust. Key messages Welfare state matter for the mental wellbeing in the oldest old population. General measures, supporting formal care, labour market participation and income and gender equality will also benefit the oldest old.


2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
KLAUS HABERKERN ◽  
TINA SCHMID ◽  
MARC SZYDLIK

ABSTRACTElderly people with functional limitations are predominantly cared for by family members. Women – spouses and daughters – provide most of this care work. In principle, gender inequality in intergenerational care may have three causes: first, daughters and sons have different resources to provide care; second, daughters and sons respond differently to the same resources; third, welfare state programmes and cultural norms affect daughters and sons differently. In this paper, we address the empirical question whether these three assumed causes are in fact responsible for gender differences in intergenerational care. The empirical analyses, based on the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE), reveal that parents in need are in fact more likely to receive care from daughters than from sons. Daughters are more responsive to the needs of their parents than sons and respond differently to the same resources. Gender inequality is highest in countries with a high level of intergenerational care, high public spending on old-age cash-benefits, a low provision of professional care services, high family obligation norms and a high level of gendered division of labour. Welfare state programmes reduce or increase gender inequality in intergenerational care by reducing or increasing the engagement of daughters in intergenerational care. In general, care-giving by sons is hardly influenced by social care policies.


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