The Hybrid Discourse of the Serbian Antibureaucratic Revolution

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-612
Author(s):  
Marjan Ivković ◽  
Tamara Petrović Trifunović ◽  
Srđan Prodanović
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Structural Role ◽  
The Core ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Hybrid Discourse

AbstractThis article investigates the discursive logic of the antibureaucratic revolution through discourse analysis of three Serbian dailies: Politika, Borba, and Večernje Novosti. We conceptualize this discursive logic as a “hybrid discourse,” employed by Slobodan Milošević’s faction of the political elite and by prominent Serbian press outlets in their discussions and reporting on the diverse Serbian protest movements of the day. The core of the hybrid discourse, as our analysis demonstrates, consisted of the symbolic interweaving of different types of citizens’ discontent in order to present them as one single demand for societal “reform” that resonated with the agenda of the Serbian political elite. We argue that the hybrid discourse and the antibureaucratic revolution itself had a structural role related to the crisis of systemic legitimacy in Yugoslavia. The hybrid discourse performed the operation of what we term the “reversing of the symbolic fixing of antagonism between the ordinary actors’ discontents and the structurally inevitable reforms,” introducing instead the discursive fusion of the two vocabularies.

Election delay will not solve Libya's problems

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Armed Group ◽  
The Core

Significance This is expected to be followed by the first parliamentary election since 2014, at some point in early 2022. It now looks increasingly likely that both elections will be delayed. The electoral process lacks the elements it would need to be truly transformative, but it is prompting shifts in the political elite which will dictate developments for at least the next year. Impacts Khalifa Haftar will keep pushing for his armed group to form the core of Libya’s future army Seif al-Islam Qadhafi’s candidacy in the elections is unlikely to result in him becoming president. Aguileh Saleh looks set to stay on as House of Representatives speaker with no clear date for parliamentary elections.

The Final Stage of the Minority Revolution in the United States. Upward Mobility of Minorities to the Corridors of Power

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2-1) ◽  
pp. 62-91
Author(s):  
Irina Zhezhko-Braun ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Government

This article is the third and final in a series dealing with the birth of a new political elite in the United States, the minority elite. In previous articles, the mechanism of its appearance was analyzed, as well as its ideology, goals, program and values. The black movement, as the most co-organized of all protest movements, is entering the final phase of its development, being engaged in the placement of its representatives in state and federal governments, political parties and other social institutions. The women’s movement has recently been taken over by ethnic movements, primarily blacks, and has become their vanguard. This article describes new social elevators for the promotion of minority representatives into the corridors of power. The logic of promoting people of their own race, gender and nationality to the highest branches of power began to prevail over other criteria for recruiting personnel. During the 2020 election campaign, a new mechanism for promoting minorities in all branches of government was formed. It is based on numerous violations of local and federal electoral legislation. The mechanism of pressure on the US electoral system is analyzed using the example of the state of Georgia and the activities of politician Stacey Abrams. The article describes Abrams’ strategy to create a network of NGOs that are focused on one mission - to arrange for the political shift of the state in the elections. These organizations circumvented existing laws, making the state of Georgia the record holder for electoral irregularities and lawsuits. The article shows that Abrams’ struggle with the electoral laws of her state is based on the political myth of the voter suppression of minorities. The author identifies a number of common characteristics of the new elite. The minority elite does not show any interest in social reconciliation and overcoming racial conflict, but rather makes efforts to incite the latter, to attract the government to its side and increase its role in establishing “social justice” through racial quotas and infringement of the rights of those social strata that it has appointed bearers of systematic racism in society. As the colored elite increases and the government’s role in resolving racial conflicts grows, the minority movement is gradually condemned, it ceases to be a true grassroots movement and turns into astroturfing.

scholarly journals A Study of Pakistani English Newspaper Texts: An Application of Halliday and Hasan’s Model of Cohesion: A Discourse Analysis

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Muhammad Afzaal ◽  
Kaibao Hu ◽  
Muhammad Ilyas Chishti ◽  
Muhammad Imran
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Lexical Cohesion ◽  
Cohesive Devices ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Semantic Linkage

This article aims to examine the patterns of each type of cohesive device in light of the cohesion model proposed by Halliday and Hasan in 1976. Halliday and Hasan identified five different types of cohesion: reference, substitution, ellipsis, conjunction and lexical cohesion in the text. This study uses the selected weekly articles authored by Cyril Almeida from well-known daily published English Newspaper “The Daily Dawn”. Analysis of text comprises Halliday and Hasan’s cohesion model, and analyzes linguistic techniques used in newspaper texts. The study finds repeated occurrences of cohesive devices such as referencing, substitution, ellipsis, conjunction, and lexical cohesion. Moreover, reiteration is found to be the most frequently occurring cohesive device. Reference from grammatical cohesion also outnumbers all other subcategories of cohesion. In addition, many of the literary terms employed in articles make it diverse in uncovering some of the political contexts to the audience. Hence, it concludes that in the overall occurrences of lexical cohesion, reiteration and collocation are dominant; suggesting that the texts of selected news articles of Cyril Almeida are cohesive mainly because of lexical cohesion, i.e. semantic linkage through vocabulary rather than grammar.

What use was the election to us? Clientelism and political trust amongst ethnic Uzbeks in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan

2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brent Hierman
Keyword(s):  
Political Trust ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Investment Strategies ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Cultural Organizations ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Cross National

This paper posits that a great deal of cross-national variation in clientelistic investment strategies can be explained through an examination of the different forms of risk faced by the political elite of different types of regimes. It also maintains that demand from clients/potential clients is, by itself, insufficient to explain the level or scope of clientelistic investments. The argument is advanced through an examination of the linkages (and non-linkages) between patrons/potential patrons and clients/potential clients amongst the ethnic Uzbek populations of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. In Kyrgyzstan, a semi-authoritarian state, electoral risk predominates; however, the character of electoral risk in Kyrgyzstan provides Uzbek members of the political elite with an incentive to diversify their clientelistic investments. Consequently, many engage in direct exchanges with their constituents while simultaneously investing in private, cultural organizations that serve party-like functions. Alternatively, in contemporary Tajikistan, best described as an authoritarian state, electoral risk has been replaced with the risk of expulsion from the presidential clientelistic network. As a result, members of the Tajikistani political elite have a disincentive to publicly invest in constituent clients as this investment may increase the risk of expulsion.

scholarly journals Political Crisis: Conflict Between The Types Of Dimensions Of The Political

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (14) ◽  
pp. 91
Author(s):  
Yuliya Martynyak
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
Frame Analysis ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Semantic Field ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Linguistic Determinism

In recent years, political crisis has aggravated especially in postSoviet countries. One of the most important tasks in curbing this situation is by finding the appropriate tools for describing and explaining it. The main aim of this paper is to provide an approach to the political crisis in the light of the coexistence of different types of dimensions of the political. The methodological base of research in this context is the post-marxist theory of rupture (S. Zizek, A.Badiou A., J. Ahambnen), hegemony (A. Gramsci) and ahonizm (C. Mouffe), sociology of everyday life and frame analysis, discourse analysis, and the theory of linguistic determinism. In general, this analysis focuses on anthropological dimension (near the spatial and temporal). This is especially based on the the political subjectification, which forms three basic types of correlation of the political. Every type of correlation forms the symbolic and semantic field simultaneously. Thus, such an approach expands the model of interpretation of the political crisis. In addition, it also expands the political phenomenon particularly. It can be interpreted as a multivariance in the context of three types of dimensions of the political.

scholarly journals Pergeseran Isu dalam Wacana Desa Tangguh Bencana (DESTANA) Pandemi Covid-19: Kasus Yogyakarta dan Surabaya

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-129
Author(s):  
Muhamad Sulhan
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Online Media ◽  
News Report

This article aims to describe complexity of news texts on discourse Desa Tangguh Bencana (Destana) in Yogyakarta and Surabaya which are contained in online media throughout the process of handling the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. This article use the critical discourse analysis (CDA) from Teun A van Dijk’s model (1988) to analyze the structure of news report which consists of two main categories: summary and story. The summary aspect is reduced to an analysis of headlines and leads. The story is revealed to analysis of the situation and comments. The result of analysis found that had been a shift in Destana discourse in 2 (two) online media (merdeka.com, and medcom.id3). The discourse shitfting comes  from an informative discourse to an investigative discourse during May – November 2020. Another finding was that there was a pattern of the use of issues and discourses that remain the same as a 'stage' for the appearance of the political elite. They have been using Destana's humanist discourse to become politically charged  with the shift in the word 'Desa' into 'Kampung'.

scholarly journals PESAN POLITIK PADA DEKLARASI #2019GANTIPRESIDEN Analisis Wacana pada detik.com Periode 4 Mei s.d. 4 Juni 2018

REPRESENTAMEN ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Teguh Suprassetyo ◽  
Arif Darmawan ◽  
Beta Puspitaning Ayodya
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
General Public ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Repeated Presentation ◽  
Political Message ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
Conducting Research

Ahead of the 2019 election there were a number of movements, one of which was the declaration of #2019GantiPresiden. This movement became pro and contra and became a popular conversation between the general public and the political elite which was considered to contain political content. The mass media was also crowded in announcing the declaration of movement #2019GantiPresiden, one of them is online mass media Detik.com. For this reason researchers are interested in conducting research on the political message of the declaration #2019GantiPresiden in the online mass media news detik.com. The research was conducted using discourse analysis of Teun A. Van Dijk and then related to propaganda techniques. The results of the research conducted indicate that the political message in declaration #2019GantiPresiden in detik.com news period May 4 to June 4 2018 contains a propaganda political message that uses repetition propaganda techniques, namely the repeated presentation of messages so that people are easily remembered.Keywords : political message, discourse analysis, #2019GantiPresiden, propaganda technique

scholarly journals The end of the “Strong Hand”? Critical Discourse-Analysis of the Alignment in the Political Culture of the Russian People

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 96-115
Author(s):  
Artyom Zemtsov
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Essential Elements ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Symbolic Resource ◽  
Subjective Meanings

This paper is dedicated to studying the subjective meanings and motivations which modern Russians attribute to the normative view on the role of the “strong hand”. It was explored as one of the key characteristics of authoritarianism in the Russian people’s political culture. The author studies its internal structure, to what extent this view is in demand, how exactly this notion is reproduced and rationalized at a discourse level. This view was investigated using critical discourse analysis, while identifying the implicit power balance based on data from semi-structured in-depth interviews with respondents from regional and district centers as well as from rural areas – these were people from the most conservative social groups (according to quantitative study findings based on data from the “Levada-Center”). Upon investigation it turns out that the “strong hand” discourse structure is extremely contradictory and heterogeneous. On one hand, at an abstract value level, it is very popular and continuously being reproduced. The “strong hand” consists of seven essential elements, subjective meanings: “continuity”, “order”, “rigidity”, “no alternative”, “personification”, “anti-establishment”, “folk character”. On the other hand, at a personal level, such an orientation can lose a significant amount of its potency when the context is broadened, supplemented with institutional alternatives etc. However stable alternatives do not seem to be appearing in the field of discourse. The author concludes that the demand for a strong hand is not an effect of a “special” political culture, but rather a combination of many factors: preserving the authoritarian regime’s institutions, citizens` rational strategies for adapting to them, a failed democratic transition, the painful reforms of the 1990’s, the intentional exploitation of this orientation by the political elite, etc. However, there are reasons to assume that this authoritarian orientation is in a severe state of crisis. It has no effect on the political regime’s legitimization for which the “strong hand” is the most important symbolic resource.

Untimely Development, Ugly History:A Drama in Muslinand the Rejection of National-Historical Time

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-183
Author(s):  
Mary L. Mullen
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Historical Time ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Core

This article considers the politics and aesthetics of the colonial Bildungsroman by reading George Moore's often-overlooked novel A Drama in Muslin (1886). It argues that the colonial Bildungsroman does not simply register difference from the metropolitan novel of development or express tension between the core and periphery, as Jed Esty suggests, but rather can imagine a heterogeneous historical time that does not find its end in the nation-state. A Drama in Muslin combines naturalist and realist modes, and moves between Ireland and England to construct a form of untimely development that emphasises political processes (dissent, negotiation) rather than political forms (the state, the nation). Ultimately, the messy, discordant history represented in the novel shows the political potential of anachronism as it celebrates the untimeliness of everyday life.

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