The Movimento Autonomista Bergamasco and the Lega Nord: continuities and discontinuities

Modern Italy ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Newth
Keyword(s):  
National Unity ◽  
Regional Autonomy ◽  
Critical Junctures ◽  
Northern League ◽  
Lega Nord ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Ideal

Studies of the Lega Nord (Northern League) have tended either to ignore the existence of earlier movements for regional autonomy in the 1950s – such as the Movimento Autonomista Bergamasco – or, on the contrary, assume continuities between the two movements at the expense of analysis of the significant discontinuities. This article argues that neither approach has been successful in capturing the importance of precursors to leghismo and that a more nuanced analysis is required. Focusing on the Movimento Autonomista Bergamasco (MAB) in its various incarnations between 1947 and 1970, I argue that the Bergamascan autonomists of the post-war period in many ways laid the foundations for Umberto Bossi’s Lega Nord; however, it is historically inaccurate to claim a direct line of continuity between mabismo and leghismo due to the differing contexts in which each movement operated: the critical junctures of the post-war era and post-tangentopoli respectively. What emerges from a closer analysis of the relationship between the two movements, as mabismo evolved into leghismo in the 1980s is a picture of regional autonomism distancing itself from the ideal of national unity and being increasingly drawn to secessionism.

The New Realism and a National Literature

PMLA ◽  
1941 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 1116-1132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin T. Spencer
Keyword(s):  
American Literature ◽  
National Literature ◽  
Leaves Of Grass ◽  
National Unity ◽  
New Realism ◽  
History Of ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
Post War ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

By the middle of the nineteenth century the controversy over the possibility and desirability of a national American literature had diminished to a somewhat feeble reiteration of old pros and cons. Moreover, Whitman's vigorous renewal of the demand for a distinctly national literature in his 1855 Preface to Leaves of Grass went virtually unnoticed by reason of his own obscurity and the disruption of national unity by sectional disputes. In the upsurge of nationalistic optimism following the Civil War, however, in the promises afforded by a strong and humanitarian Union, the sentiment for a literature distinct through its expression of the new national idealism was both widespread and ardent. But this post-war literary nationalism was short-lived. Before the skeptical attacks of many literary critics and the rising materialism of the Gilded Age, hope for a national literature once more gave way to indifference or despair. If the controversy was to be revived, some new literary stimulus, some new mode or approach toward the achievement of an American literature would have to be forthcoming. Such a stimulus was provided in the rise of realism. The conflict between the new realism and the old romanticism in the 1870's and 1880's is a well-known chapter in the history of American criticism, but the relationship of this new realism to the production of a national literature as it was viewed in the two decades before Whitman's death has not received adequate attention.

Port Harcourt: Ibo Politics in Microcosm

1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Wolpe
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Port Harcourt ◽  
Post War ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

To the political scientist concerned with the relationship between social and economic modernisation, on the one hand, and political change and integration, on the other, the Ibo experience has long held particular interest. In his pioneering study of Nigerian nationalism, James Coleman observed that Ibos had played a singular role in the post-war political era: ‘Ibos overwhelmingly predominated in both the leadership and the mass membership of the N.C.N.C., the Zikist Movement, and the National Church. Postwar radical and militant nationalism, which emphasized the national unity of Nigeria as a transcendent imperative, was largely, but not exclusively, an Ibo endeavor’1 But radical and militant pan-Nigerian nationalism was only one part of the Ibo political posture. No less noteworthy was the parallel development of a highly cohesive and organisationally sophisticated pan-Ibo movement, the very success of which ultimately undermined the pan- Nigerian aspirations of the Ibo-led N.C.N.C. and, subsequently, was one of several factors operating to impair the national legitimacy of an Ibo-led military régime. It is this paradoxical blending of ‘civic’ and ‘primordial’ sentiments which, perhaps, best defines the modern Ibo political experience2.

National Concepts of Freedom and Government Pacification Policies: The Case of Czechoslovakia in the Transitional Period after 1918

2008 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN ZÜCKERT
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Transitional Period ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The West ◽  
German Speaking ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Ideal

AbstractFounded in 1918, the Czechoslovak state faced a series of problems in the years after its foundation. Apart from the question of the relationship between the ideal of a nation-state and the reality of its multi-ethnic structure, as well as the question of territorial security, the successive Czechoslovak governments faced the challenge of pacifying an uprooted post-war society. During this phase of transition, ideals of nationhood and peace as well as concepts of political power were adapted to pragmatic government policies. Despite rifts between the Czech- and the German-speaking parts of the population, combined with the dangers of a radicalised strike movement and the difficult integration of members of the Czechoslovak Legion into the new polity, attempts at pacification were much more successful in the west of the country than in Slovakia and in Carpathia, since the latter two regions lacked the structural continuities of laws and institutions.

Race, citizenship and national identity in The School Paper, 1946-1968

2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sianan Healy
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Aboriginal People ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
World War ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Second World ◽  
The Ideal

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore representations of Aboriginal people, in particular children, in the Victorian government’s school reader The School Paper, from the end of the Second World War until its publication ceased in 1968. The author interrogates these representations within the framework of pedagogies of citizenship training and the development of national identity, to reveal the role Aboriginal people and their culture were accorded within the “imagined community” of Australian nationhood and its heritage and history. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on the rich material available in the Victorian Department of Education’s school reader, The School Paper, from 1946 to 1968 (when the publication ceased), and on the Department’s annual reports. These are read within the context of scholarship on race, education and citizenship formation in the post-war years. Findings – State government policies of assimilation following the Second World War tied in with pedagogies and curricula regarding citizenship and belonging, which became a key focus of education departments following the Second World War. The informal pedagogies of The School Paper’s representations of Aboriginal children and their families, the author argues, excluded Aboriginal communities from understandings of Australian nationhood, and from conceptions of the ideal Australian citizen-in-formation. Instead, representations of Aboriginal people relegated them to the outdoors in ways that racialised Australian spaces: Aboriginal cultures are portrayed as historical yet timeless, linked with the natural/native rather than civic/political environment. Originality/value – This paper builds on scholarship on the relationship between education, reading pedagogies and citizenship formation in Australia in the post-war years to develop our knowledge of how conceptions of the ideal Australian citizen of the future – that is, Australian students – were inherently racialised. It makes a new contribution to scholarship on the assimilation project in Australia, through revealing the relationship between government policies towards Aboriginal people and the racial and cultural qualities being taught in Australian schools.

KONSTRUKSI ISLAM DALAM KEKUASAAN NEGARA

1970 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurul Aini Musyarofah
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Social Condition ◽  
The Other ◽  
Good Society ◽  
Ideal Form ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Islamic Politics ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Ideal

The relationship between Islam and state raises a controversy that includes two main groups;formalists and substantialists. Both of them intend to achieve a good social condition which is inaccordance with Islamic politics. The ideal form of good society to be achieved is principallydescribed in the main source of Islamic law, Al Qur’an and As Sunnah, as follows. A form of goodsociety should supprot equality and justice, egalitarianism, and democracy in its social community.The next problem is what the needed methods and instruments to achieve the ideal Islamic politicsare. In this case, the debate on the formalization and substance of Islamic teaching is related to therunning formal political institution.Each group claims itself to be the most representative to the ideal Islam that often leads to anescalating conflict. On the other hand thr arguments of both groups does not reach the wholeMuslims. As a result, the discourse of Islam and state seems to be elitist and political. As a result,Both groups suspect each other each other and try to utilize the controversy on the relationshipbetween Islam and state to get their own benefit which has no relation with the actualization ofIslamic teaching.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aled Davies
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Financial Centre ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post War ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This book is a study of the political economy of Britain’s chief financial centre, the City of London, in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher’s first Conservative government in 1979. The primary purpose of the book is to evaluate the relationship between the financial sector based in the City, and the economic strategy of social democracy in post-war Britain. In particular, it focuses on how the financial system related to the social democratic pursuit of national industrial development and modernization, and on how the norms of social democratic economic policy were challenged by a variety of fundamental changes to the City that took place during the period....

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Talbot C. Imlay
Keyword(s):  
International Politics ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Short Supply ◽  
Historical Scholarship ◽  
International Dimension ◽  
International Policies ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Post War

In examining the practice of socialist internationalism, this book has sought to combine three fields of historical scholarship (socialism, internationalism, and international politics) in the aim of contributing to each one. The contribution to the first area, socialism, is perhaps the most obvious. Contrary to numerous claims, socialist internationalism did not die in August 1914 but survived the outbreak of war and afterwards even flourished at times. Indeed, during the two post-war periods, European socialists worked closely together on a variety of pressing issues, endowing the policymaking of the British, French, and German parties with an important international dimension. This international dimension was never all-important: it rarely, if ever, trumped the domestic political and intra-party dimensions of policymaking. But its existence means that the international policies of any one socialist party cannot be fully understood in isolation from the policies of other parties. The practice of socialist internationalism was rarely easy: contention was present and sometimes rife. Equally pertinent, idealism could be in short supply. Often enough, European socialists instrumentalized internationalism for their own ends, whether it was Ramsay MacDonald with the Geneva Protocol during the 1920s or Guy Mollet, who hoped to discredit internal party critics of his Algerian policy during the 1950s. Nevertheless, the attempts to instrumentalize socialist internationalism underscore the latter’s significance. After all, such attempts would be inconceivable unless socialist internationalism meant something to European socialists....

Psyche and Soul in America

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Abzug
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Small Town ◽  
Sense Of Self ◽  
The United States ◽  
Inner Life ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Relationship

Rollo May (1909‒1994), internationally known psychologist and popular philosopher, came from modest roots in the small town Protestant Midwest intending to do “religious work” but eventually became a psychotherapist and in best-selling books like Love and Will and The Courage to Create he attracted an audience of millions of readers in the United States, Europe, and Asia. During the 1950s and 1960s, these books combined existentialism and other philosophical approaches, psychoanalysis, and a spiritually-philosophy to interpret the damage bureaucratic and technocratic aspects of modernity and their inability of individuals to understand their authentic selves. Psyche and Soul in America deals not only with May’s public contributions but also to his turbulent inner life as revealed in unprecedentedly intimate sources in order to demonstrate the relationship between the personal and public in a figure who wrote about intimacy, its loss, and ways to regain an authentic sense of self and others.

Capitalism and the State in Latin America

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esteban Torres ◽  
Carina Borrastero
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Social Inequality ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The State ◽  
American Sociology ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Relationship

This article analyzes how the research on the relation between capitalism and the state in Latin America has developed from the 1950s up to the present. It starts from the premise that knowledge of this relation in sociology and other social sciences in Latin America has been taking shape through the disputes that have opposed three intellectual standpoints: autonomist, denialist, and North-centric. It analyzes how these standpoints envision the relationship between economy and politics and how they conceptualize three regionally and globally growing trends: the concentration of power, social inequality, and environmental depletion. It concludes with a series of challenges aimed at restoring the theoretical and political potency of the autonomist program in Latin American sociology.

Esteem and self-esteem as an interweaving polarity. Max Weber´s analysis from the Protestant ethic to the ideal-type of politician

Human Affairs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-364
Author(s):  
Cristiana Senigaglia
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Self Esteem ◽  
Protestant Ethic ◽  
Social Reputation ◽  
Conduct Of Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Ideal

AbstractAlthough Max Weber does not specifically analyze the topic of esteem, his investigation of the Protestant ethic offers interesting insights into it. The change in mentality it engendered essentially contributed to enhancing the meaning and importance of esteem in modern society. In his analysis, Weber ascertains that esteem was fundamental to being accepted and integrated into the social life of congregations. Nevertheless, he also highlights that esteem was supported by a form of self-esteem which was not simply derived from a good social reputation, but also achieved through a deep and continual self-analysis as well as a strict discipline in the ethical conduct of life. The present analysis reconstructs the different aspects of the relationship between social and self-esteem and analyzes the consequences of that relationship by focusing on the exemplary case of the politician’s personality and ethic.

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