scholarly journals Safe for Democracy: Constitutional Politics, Popular Spectacle, and the British Monarchy 1910–1914

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-141
Author(s):  
Frank Mort

AbstractHow did the British monarchy respond to the multiple challenges of early twentieth-century mass democracy? Historians have separated the growth of constitutional sovereignty from the practice of a welfare monarchy, or from royalty as decorative and media friendly. This article argues that the political transformation of the modern monarchy was inseparable from innovations to its style and presentation. Opening with the dramatic constitutional crisis that confronted George V and his advisors in 1910, I show how the monarchy's entanglement in high politics forced the crown to assume an increasingly neutral, arbitrarial stance on industrial disputes and on the Irish question, despite the king's own conservatism. Simultaneously, George V invested in styles of royal accessibility and informality that contrasted sharply with other major European dynasties, in a series of royal tours across the industrial heartlands of England and Wales in 1912 and 1913. Extensively covered by the national and imperial press and by the newsreels, these visits to the strongholds of laborism promoted a vision of patrician democracy that drew heavily on traditions of organic, one-nation conservatism. But they also positioned royalty and the people in a new imaginary relationship that was more personal and intimate. Both versions had long-term consequences for the British monarchy across the twentieth century.

2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Ruzza ◽  
Giuseppe Gabusi ◽  
Davide Pellegrino

AbstractStarting from the imperfect nature of Myanmar's democracy, this paper aims to answer two questions. First, can Myanmar's transition be defined as a case of democratization, or is it, rather, a case of authoritarian resilience? To state this differently: is the progress enjoyed by Myanmar's polity the outcome of an ongoing process that is supposed to lead to a fully fledged democracy, or, rather, an attempt to enshrine elements of authoritarian governance under a democratic guise? Second, if the balance leans towards the latter instead of the former, how did authoritarian resilience work in Myanmar? The transition is analysed from a long-term perspective, moving from the 1988 pro-democracy uprising up to the most recent events. Data were collected from available published sources and from three fieldworks conducted by the authors in Myanmar. The paper concludes that Myanmar's transition is better understood as a case of authoritarian resilience than as democratization and highlights three core traits of Myanmar's authoritarian resilience: first, the very top-down nature of the political transformation; second, the incumbents’ ability to set the pace of political reform through the use of repression and political engineering; and third, the divide-and-rule strategy used as a means to keep contestations separated and local.


InterConf ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 50-56
Author(s):  
Victoria Nebrat ◽  
Olga Kudlasevych

The peculiarities of international scientific and educational relations in the Soviet period of Ukraine’s history are revealed. The political causes and long-term consequences of intellectual autarky are identified. The necessity and possibility of development of international cooperation on the basis of increase of academic mobility are argued.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093120
Author(s):  
Paloma Caravantes

This paper analyzes the interplay of left populist and feminist politics through a case study of Podemos (‘we can’), a Spanish left populist party that reproduces a dominant gendered logic of politics despite its feminist interpretation of democratic renewal. I argue that this is the result of fundamental contradictions between the feminist and populist projects of political transformation that coexist in the party. Even if left populism offers a more productive terrain for gender equality than right populism, central tenets of populism disrupt feminist commitments and goals. Chief among these are the oversimplification of the political field based on a limited diagnosis, the exclusionary appeals to the homeland and to a homogenizing collectivity of the people, the dominant masculine and personalistic logics of charismatic leaders, the prioritization of electoral success over other forms of political transformation, and the resulting gendered political culture that marginalizes empowerment, inclusion, and participatory democratic practices.


Author(s):  
Paweł Sasanka

The article is a brief survey and evaluation of historical research on Poznań 1956 protests, the political change in October 1956, and the year in general. An important gap was filled by the publication of Piotr Grzelczak’s book on the long-term consequences of the Poznań protests, and the conflict over its remembrance between government representatives and local inhabitants of the region, since the protests were one of the defining moments in recent history of Poznań. The article also includes a summary of the controversy between historians over the importance of 1956 as a watershed in Polish history, with some historians arguing that a more liberal image of the communist system in Poland was formed in 1956, while others argued that the communist dictatorship was stabilized by winning wider social support. The author has indicated an increasing separation between narratives about the Poznań protests in June and the political transformations in October, which has consequences and threats related to polarized perception of history, leading to meagre and simplified understanding of social realities of the Polish People’s Republic after 1956.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 4 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruno Haghebaert

In the Third World, the function of political leadership is more pivotal than in western countries. The subjective factor of Qadhafi has vital bearing on developments in Libya. There was no historical neccessity for Libya to have developed along the revolutionary path that it has. The formation of the Arab Socialist Union, the Popular Revolution, the creation of the Jamahiriya, the inauguration of the Revolutionary Committee movement and the programme of militarisation - all these issues are a result of Qadhafi's wish to "revolutionarize" Libyan society. His ultimate aim was to eliminate all intermediaries between the people and the political power. In practice, real power remained in the hands of Qadhafi and the Revolutionary Committees . A drastic fall in oil revenues and the arrogance and arbitrariness of Qadhafi1s revolutionary zealots led to growing discontent among the Libyan population. The American raid on Tripoli and Benghazi in April 1986 was meant to precipitate Qadhafi's downfall. But his regime was not overthrown and the Libyan leader proved to be a master of political survival. A (temporary) political and economic liberalisation has boosted his popularity. On the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the Libyan revolution, his position still seems to be secure.KEYWORDS : Qadhafi, Libya, Islamic state 


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-175
Author(s):  
Gesine Manuwald

This paper discusses the function of speeches given by Cicero to the popular assembly (contio) as reports about recent political events or decrees. Several of the few extant examples are part of oratorical corpora consisting of speeches from politically difficult periods, namely from Cicero's consular year (63 BCE; Catilinarians) and from his fight against Mark Antony (44–43 BCE; Philippics). Cicero is shown to have applied his oratorical abilities in all these cases to exploit the contio speeches so as to present narrative accounts of political developments in his interpretation and thus to influence public opinion in the short term during the political process and particularly, within an edited corpus, in the long term.


Author(s):  
Niloofar Mohtat ◽  
Akbar Haji Ibrahim Zargar

Purpose Focusing on Rudak, a village destroyed in the Buin-Zahra earthquake of 1962 in Qazvin, Iran, this paper aims to evaluate the reconstruction of this village in terms of sustainability. Rudak reconstruction has left long-term consequences on the physical structure of the village, as some of the people refused the constructed houses and built their own ones. Hence, after more than 50 years, this village is now consisted of two physically different neighborhoods. Examining the long-term consequences of this reconstruction through comparing housing and physical structure of the two different neighborhoods contains valuable lessons in terms of sustainability because sustainable reconstruction results unveil in long term. Design/methodology/approach Using sustainable reconstruction theory as the conceptual framework, this research investigates social, economic and environmental sustainability of Rudak housing reconstruction and that leads to comprehensive lessons. The study has a qualitative method and is based on fieldwork allowing for dynamic interviews with the community. Furthermore, data are analyzed through descriptive and comparative approaches. Findings The research concluded that sustainability related implications of post-disaster reconstruction policies are not restricted to the time of reconstruction or a limited interval after that. Lack of livelihood considerations, providing all people with similar houses and nontransparent decisions, resulted in unsustainable consequences such as building vulnerable extensions by people, social segregation and people unwillingness for participation. However, this experience was sustainable in terms of some other factors. For example, using local materials for building the structures of the new houses, putting the houses on the natural bedrock and building public services for people were sustainable measurements. Originality/value This paper is a rare example of research focusing on impacts of post-disaster reconstruction after more than 50 years. It contains valuable lessons for planners and architects.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
Karlygash SHARIPOVA ◽  

The author of the article shares information about the methodology of Akhmet Baitursynov – the largest person who occupies a special place in the political and cultural life of the Kazakh society in the first decades of the twentieth century. Ahmet Baitursynuly is the spiritual leader of his people, a wise son who "sows the seeds of honesty". He is a co-owner who has worked for one institute or a dozen authors to date. In particular, Akhmet Baitursynuly is a reformer who created a national script for six million Kazakhs of that period, a public figure who made efforts to teach Kazakh children in their native languages, the author of "alphabets", textbooks for teaching children the Kazakh language in national schools, a linguist who laid the foundation of the national science-Kazakh linguistics; the first scientist-philologist, representing the theory of Kazakh literary studies, the first scientist-culturologist, researcher of the history of the culture of the people, teacher-innovator, presenting the methodology of teaching the native language in a new way, one of the organizers of Kazakh science, one of the first professors of the Kazakh language and literature, who laid the foundation of our national Academy today. The main of these names is the art critic of the Kazakh word, the art critic of the Kazakh language.


Author(s):  
T. Makanbaev ◽  
◽  
G. Seksenbayeva ◽  

The twentieth century turned out to be the most eventful for the history of archiving, and for the history of Kazakhstan as a whole. This has profoundly affected all aspects of the state, political, social, economic and cultural life. Wars, revolutions, changes in the political system, the restoration and collapse of the USSR - this is how the twentieth century began and ended. This article is an attempt to understand the course and certain feature of the long-term archival process in Kazakhstan. The entire history of archives of the Soviet period is closely intertwined with the history of the political system of the state. The history of archives is related to the monopoly rule of one-party ideology, with administrative pressure in the spiritual sphere of man, including pressure over archives. A new milestone in the development of archiving took place after the collapse of the USSR, so the archive system became independent. Independent Kazakhstan has carried out a number of reforms to democratize archival activities. As a result of these changes, a new archive management system was formed. Archives become part of the country's cultural heritage. The article focuses on identifying the leading trends in the formation of archives and key problems in the domestic archival science. Less attention is paid to the history of individual archives, since in general this is fully reflected in monographs, textbooks and numerous articles of Kazakhstani authors.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 561-587
Author(s):  
Musyafiatun Musyafiatun

Abstract: This article focuses on the Islamic political jurisprudence perspective against the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK) No. 4/PUU-VII/2009 on the nomination of an ex of a prisoner as a legislator. MK’s decision allows the ex of a prisoner to become a legislator, DPD, and local leader with certain conditions. The basic of the consideration is that the Constitutional Court has the authority to examine, hear, and decide the decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009. In addition, the applicant also has no legal status in this respect (legal standing) and consideration of the principal arguments of the applicant’s request. MK’s decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009 has juridical implication on article 12 letter g and article 50 paragraph (1) letter g of Law No. 10/2008 and article 58 letter f of Law No. 12/2008 as well as the political implications on the opportunities for the ex of a prisoner to hold a public office. Based on the Islamic political jurisprudence perspective, MK’s decision No. 4/PUU-VII/2009, which permitted the ex of a prisoner as a legislator, DPD and local leader with certain conditions, is in line with the concept of constitutional politics that includes the rights of the people. It is because the ex of a prisoner is also a member of the community whose rights should be protected if he or she repents.Keywords: Nominations, prisoner, members of the legislature.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document