“In Favour of Popery”: Patriotism, Protestantism, and the Gordon Riots in the Revolutionary British Atlantic

2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brad A. Jones

AbstractIn 1778, in response to news of the American alliance with France, the British government proposed a series of Catholic relief bills aimed at tolerating Catholicism in England, Scotland, and Ireland. Officials saw the legislation as a pragmatic response to a dramatically expanded war, but ordinary Britons were far less tolerant. They argued that the relief acts threatened to undermine a widely shared Protestant British patriotism that defined itself against Catholicism and France. Through an elaborate and well-connected popular print culture, Britons living in distant Atlantic communities, such as Kingston (Jamaica), Glasgow, Dublin, and New York City, publicly engaged in a radical brand of Protestant patriotism that began to question the very legitimacy of their own government. Events culminated in June 1780, with five days of violent, deadly rioting in the nation's capitol. Yet the Gordon Riots represent only the most famous example of this new, more zealous defense of Protestant Whig Britishness. In the British Caribbean and North America, unrelenting fears of French invasions and the perceived incompetence of the government mixed with an increasingly confrontational Protestant political culture to expose the fragile nature of British patriotism. In Scotland, anti-Catholic riots drove the country to near rebellion in early 1779, while in Ireland, Protestants and Catholics took advantage of this political instability to make demands for economic and political independence, culminating in the country's legislative autonomy in 1782. Ultimately, Catholic relief and the American alliance with France fundamentally altered how ordinary Britons viewed their government and, perhaps, laid the foundations for the far more radical political culture of the 1790s.

Author(s):  
Brad A. Jones

This book maps the loyal British Atlantic's reaction to the American Revolution. Through close study of four important British Atlantic port cities — New York City; Kingston, Jamaica; Halifax, Nova Scotia; and Glasgow, Scotland — the book argues that the revolution helped trigger a new understanding of loyalty to the Crown and empire. The book reimagines loyalism as a shared transatlantic ideology, no less committed to ideas of liberty and freedom than the American cause and not limited to the inhabitants of the thirteen American colonies. The book reminds readers that the American Revolution was as much a story of loyalty as it was of rebellion. Loyal Britons faced a daunting task — to refute an American Patriot cause that sought to dismantle their nation's claim to a free and prosperous Protestant empire. For the inhabitants of these four cities, rejecting American independence thus required a rethinking of the beliefs and ideals that framed their loyalty to the Crown and previously drew together Britain's vast Atlantic empire. The book describes the formation and spread of this new transatlantic ideology of loyalism. Loyal subjects in North America and across the Atlantic viewed the American Revolution as a dangerous and violent social rebellion and emerged from twenty years of conflict more devoted to a balanced, representative British monarchy and, crucially, more determined to defend their rights as British subjects. In the closing years of the eighteenth century, as their former countrymen struggled to build a new nation, these loyal Britons remained convinced of the strength and resilience of their nation and empire and their place within it.


Author(s):  
Adam I. P. Smith

This chapter uses the Astor Place theatre riot of 1849 to illuminate the tensions within American political culture over majoritarianism, political legitimacy and citizenship. It argues that the lethal confrontation between the militia and the mob was a crisis moment that formed the imagined enemies and the alliances that frame political choices. Those who supported the New York City mayor’s decision to call in the militia believed that violence was sometimes necessary to ensure that democracy was compatible with order. Their emphasis on the need for restraints on unfettered freedom provided the intellectual underpinning of the case against the Slave Power and secession.


2019 ◽  
pp. 213-230
Author(s):  
David Parrish

Letters to and from prominent Dissenting leaders and their political allies such as Cotton Mather and Benjamin Colman in New England, Archibald Stobo in South Carolina, and Robert Hunter in New York make it abundantly clear that the High-Church Tory ascendency during the final years of Queen Anne’s reign was a fraught period for religious Dissenters living throughout Britain’s Atlantic empire. While Tories were implementing policies designed to inhibit the influence of Dissent, a transatlantic Tory political culture was becoming far more antagonistic to the Hanoverian Succession and was increasingly associated with Jacobitism. Consequently, anti-Jacobitism became a pillar of the transatlantic Dissenting and Whig political and print culture.


1936 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-96
Author(s):  
L. R. Chubb

The determined attacks which students of county government in New York State have been making on the barriers which have prevented reorganization are at last attaining some success. At its regular session of 1933, the legislature passed and the governor signed a county home rule act sponsored by Senator Fearon, providing simply that any county outside of New York City might “adopt, pursuant to the provisions of this act, a county charter for the government of such county.” This act, however, did nothing effective to remove the considerable obstacles which the state constitution puts in the way of county reform, and was itself of doubtful constitutionality. It served only to throw a clearer light on the fact, already familiar to students of the subject, that in New York it is the constitution that has been the strongest bulwark of antiquated local government.


2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-30
Author(s):  
Julie Kjeldsen-Kragh Keller ◽  
Cecil Konijnendijk

Effective management of the urban forest calls for municipalities to have a tree inventory of their urban resource. The approach to urban forestry is rather different in Europe and North America, both in terms of background and culture. This contribution discusses similarities and differences in tree inventory practices, based on a pilot study of three major cities in North America (Toronto, Ontario, Canada; and Boston, Massachusetts and New York City, New York, U.S.) and three major cities in Northern Europe (Oslo, Norway; and Aarhus and Copenhagen, Denmark). The pilot study consisted of semi-structured expert interviews in each city, and an analysis of their tree inventories in terms of their level of detail, how they were undertaken, and how they have been used. Each of the cities, with exception of Oslo, had inventoried all of their street trees. Volunteers were only used in Boston and New York City. None of the cities had developed a management plan based on their tree inventory. The inventory had only been completely incorporated into the work order system in New York City and Toronto. This explorative study shows that more research is needed to investigate what subsequently happens to tree inventories in municipalities after they have been performed. Moreover, more work is needed to identify whether inventories are being utilized to their full advantage in terms of producing management plans. Some key themes for further research are described. The set up of this pilot study could serve as a format for comprehensive research.


Author(s):  
P. Mojtabaee ◽  
M. Molavi ◽  
M. Taleai

Abstract. Investigating the influential factors of the areas where people use taxis is a crucial step in understanding the taxi demand dynamics. In this study, we intend to analyze higher-paying taxi trips by putting forward an approach to explore a dataset of green taxi trips in New York City in January 2015 together with some demographic, housing, social and economic data. The final goal is to find out whether the chosen factors are statistically significant to be considered as potential driving forces of demand location for trips with a higher-paid fare. Since airports are major attracting sources for taxi travels, all the steps are taken separately for three scenarios that the trip drop-offs are in 1) LaGuardia Airport, 2) John F Kennedy Airport or 3) other areas. First, the spatial pick-up distribution of these higher-paying trips is mapped to enable visual comparison of the urban movement patterns. Then, taking into account the pick-up density as the response variable, the densities of: foreign-born’s population, number of houses with no vehicles, the private wage and salary workers’ population, the government workers’ population and the self-employed workers’ population in own not incorporate business were considered as the explanatory variables. These variables were examined to find important factors affecting the demand in each neighborhood and different results in each of the three scenarios were discussed. This study gives a better insight into discovering driving factors of higher-paid taxi trips when considering airports as destinations which attract travels with potentially different characteristics.


2012 ◽  
Vol 25 (19) ◽  
pp. 6721-6742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Seager ◽  
Neil Pederson ◽  
Yochanan Kushnir ◽  
Jennifer Nakamura ◽  
Stephanie Jurburg

Abstract The precipitation history over the last century in the Catskill Mountains region that supplies water to New York City is studied. A severe drought occurred in the early to mid-1960s followed by a wet period that continues. Interannual variability of precipitation in the region is related to patterns of atmospheric circulation variability in the midlatitude east Pacific–North America–west Atlantic sector with no link to the tropics. Associated SST variations in the Atlantic are consistent with being forced by the anomalous atmospheric flow rather than being causal. In winter and spring the 1960s drought was associated with a low pressure anomaly over the midlatitude North Atlantic Ocean and northerly subsiding flow over the greater Catskills region that would likely suppress precipitation. The cold SSTs offshore during the drought are consistent with atmospheric forcing of the ocean. The subsequent wet period was associated with high pressure anomalies over the Atlantic Ocean and ascending southerly flow over eastern North America favoring increased precipitation and a strengthening of the Northern Hemisphere storm track. Neither the drought nor the subsequent pluvial are simulated in sea surface temperature–forced atmosphere GCMs. The long-term wetting is also not simulated as a response to changes in radiative forcing by coupled models. It is concluded that past precipitation variability in the region, including the drought and pluvial, were most likely caused by internal atmospheric variability. Such events are unpredictable and a drought like the 1960s one could return while the long-term wetting trend need not continue—conclusions that have implications for management of New York City’s water resources.


Author(s):  
Brian Tochterman

This chapter considers how films produced in New York City played to an emergent anti-urban political culture. With crime and disorder as the feature antagonist in the New York film cycle of the late 1960s and the 1970s, the vigilante became a vital counterpoint to the perceived incompetence of municipal police departments. Escaping the dying city also served as a powerful motif in the period’s films. The motion picture industry brings the homegrown narrative of New York to a national audience.


Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello

This chapter demonstrates how rural women in upstate villages and towns—often considered to be apolitical—actually embraced the suffrage spirit, causing a number of pro-suffrage hotbeds to emerge outside of New York City. Many suffrage leaders had deep roots in the towns, villages, and farms of the state. Taking advantage of opportunities to participate in the political culture shaped during the transition from an agrarian to a market economy, contingents of rural women helped lay the foundation for a broad-based state suffrage movement. With the broader base of rural women supporting the movement, rural activists could now appeal to husbands and fathers in these areas to garner electoral support. By 1910, leaders shifted campaign tactics from attempting to convince legislators to support suffrage to persuading the (male) electorate to secure a state referendum for women.


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