scholarly journals Good Kings, Bloody Tyrants, and Everything In Between: Representations of the Monarchy in Post-Genocide Rwanda

2014 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 35-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin Jessee ◽  
Sarah E. Watkins

AbstractSince assuming power after the 1994 genocide, President Paul Kagame and his political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, have struggled to unite Rwanda’s citizens using, among other initiatives, a simplified version of Rwandan history to diminish the ethnic tensions that made the 1994 genocide possible. As a result, Rwanda’s history has become highly politicized, with vastly divergent versions of the nation’s past narrated in private settings, where it is more politically appropriate for Rwandans to share their experiences. This paper focuses on divergent representations of Rwandan monarchical figures – often unnamed – whom the narrators imbue with values according to their individual political affiliations, lived experiences, and identity. These narratives are indicative of the broader ways that modern Rwandans narrate their experiences of history in response to Rwanda’s current official history, as well as previous official histories. Careful analysis reveals much about the current political climate in post-genocide Rwanda: most notably, that Rwandans continue to see their nation’s past through vastly different lenses, demonstrating the enormous challenges facing the Rwandan government as it seeks to reconcile its population using current methods. It also highlights the ongoing need on the part of historians to approach contemporary sources critically, informed by sources produced and debated in the pre-genocide period.

2007 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-213
Author(s):  
MARK BIONDICH

AbstractThe Croat Peasant Party was arguably the most important Croatian political party during the existence of the first Yugoslavia (1918–41). Under the leadership of Vladko Maček (1879–1964), it entered the most difficult period of its history: it was forced to contend with the royal dictatorship (1929–34) of King Aleksandar Karadjordjević, the Great Depression, growing nationality tensions and an increasingly volatile political climate in which the extremes of the right and left, represented in Croatia by the Ustaša and Communist parties respectively, contended for power. This article examines the contentious relationship between Maček's Croat Peasant Party and the fascist Ustaša movement between 1929 and 1941, and assesses Maček's legacy and his place in Croatia's 20th-century political history.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 398-407
Author(s):  
Mohammad Dawood Sofi

The year 2011 witnessed watershed events in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), resulting in long-awaited political and social transformation, with Tunisia acting as catalyst and modus operandi for the other countries of the region. Although the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ now seems to be gripped in a stalemate in Egypt, where vagueness still prevails, and in Syria and Libya, where the security situation continues to be extremely precarious and unstable, there seems to be a wind of change in the political context in Tunisia, where on 26 October 2014 the population witnessed the second post-revolution elections. The political party Ḥizb al-Nahḍah (Renaissance Party), officially founded in 1981, has been having a considerable impact on the political milieu of the region since its political career has experienced a renewed boost. Furthermore, Salafism has emerged as a legitimate force in the country demanding al-Nahḍah to redefine its role and strategy. While in power al-Nahḍah faced multifarious political, social and economic challenges that compelled it to devise new strategies and policies to suit the changing socio-political climate. In addition to exploring post-revolution transitions and transformations in Tunisia, this paper focuses on Ḥizb al-Nahḍah, the issues and challenges it encountered while in power, and those that lie ahead.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Hout ◽  
Christopher Maggio

The growth of non-White immigration in the post-1965 era has been a major force in defining the relationship between race and immigration in the contemporary United States. Another key trend, political polarization, has been important in understanding this relationship, exemplified most recently by the election of the strongly anti-immigrant and racially inflammatory presidential candidate, Donald Trump. This article explores the contemporary relationship between race, immigration, and political polarization by analyzing several key components of said relationship. Echoing past research, we find that racial and immigration attitudes are increasingly split along political party lines. We also show that, although the positive correlation between racial resentment and restrictive immigration attitudes has generally increased in recent times, 2016 saw an uptick in this correlation, a finding that is likely related to the mobilization of these issues in 2016. Again paralleling prior research, we show that both conservative racial attitudes and restrictive immigration attitudes were strong predictors of Trump voting among non-Hispanic Whites, both in the general and primary elections, and even controlling for voting patterns in the 2012 general election, highlighting the unique connection between Trump and these issues. Overall, these findings point toward an increased importance of race and immigration in the current political climate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 ◽  
pp. 85-87
Author(s):  
Tuli Chatterji

The innovative four-point structure—Arrivals, Departures, Generations, and Return—of The Penguin Book of Migration Literature expands the purview established by previous anthologies of immigrant literature by mobilizing a classroom conversation where students’ own lived experiences of migratory crossings combine with the anthology’s narratives to both analyze texts and critique present national and global political climate.  


Author(s):  
Monika Gosin

The Politics of Division deconstructs antagonistic discourses that circulated in local Miami press between African-Americans, “white” Cubans, and “black” Cubans during the 1980 Mariel Boatlift and the 1994 Balsero Crisis. In its challenge to discourses which pit these groups against one another, the book examines the nuanced ways that identities such as “black,” “white,” and “Cuban” have been constructed and negotiated in the context of Miami’s historical multi-ethnic tensions. The book argues that dominant race-making ideologies of the white establishment regarding “worthy citizenship” shape inter-minority conflict as groups negotiate their precarious positioning within the nation. The book contends that the lived experiences of the African-Americans, white Cubans, and Afro-Cubans involved disrupt binary frames of worthy citizenship narratives, illuminating the greater complexity of racialized identities. Foregrounding the oft-neglected voices of Afro-Cubans, the book highlights how their specific racial positioning offers a challenge to white Cuban-American anti-blackness and complicates narratives that placed African-American “natives” in opposition to (white) Cuban “foreigners,” while revealing also how Afro-Cubans and other Afro-Latinos negotiate racial meanings in the United States. Focusing on the intricacy of interminority tensions in Miami, the book adds dimension to modern debates about race, blackness, immigration, interethnic relations, and national belonging.


2004 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
R.G. Branch

This article presents a critical look at the story of the reign of Athaliah, the only ruling queen of Israel or Judah in the biblical text. Double reference in 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles shows her story’s importance and significance to the biblical writers. The largely parallel accounts read like a contemporary soap opera, for they contain murder, intrigue, harem politics, religious upheaval, and coup and counter-coup. Her story provides insights on the turbulent political climate of the ninth century BC. However, the purpose of the biblical writers is not to show Athaliah as the epitome of evil or that all women in power are evil.


Author(s):  
J. M. Cowley

Recently a number of authors have reported detail in dark-field images obtained from diffuse-scattering regions of electron diffraction patterns. Bright spots in images from short-range order diffuse peaks of disordered binary alloys have been interpreted as evidence for the existence of microdomains of ordered lattice or of segragated clusters of one component. Spotty contrast in dark field images of near-amorphous materials has been interpreted as evidence for the existense of microcrystals. Without a careful analysis of the imaging conditions such conclusions may be invalid. Usually the conditions of the experiment have not been specified in sufficient detail to allow evaluation of the conclusions.Elementary considerations show that even for a completely random arrangement of atoms the statistical fluctuations of density will give a spotty contrast with spots of minimum diameter determined by the dark field aperture size and other factors influencing the minimum resolvable distance under darkfield imaging conditions, including fluctuations and drift over long exposure times (resolution usually 10Å or more).


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Steven L. Demeter

Abstract The fourth, fifth, and sixth editions of the AMA Guides to the Evaluation of Permanent Impairment (AMA Guides) use left ventricular hypertrophy (LVH) as a variable to determine impairment caused by hypertensive disease. The issue of LVH, as assessed echocardiographically, is a prime example of medical science being at odds with legal jurisprudence. Some legislatures have allowed any cause of LVH in a hypertensive individual to be an allowed manifestation of hypertensive changes. This situation has arisen because a physician can never say that no component of LVH was not caused by the hypertension, even in an individual with a cardiomyopathy or valvular disorder. This article recommends that evaluators consider three points: if the cause of the LVH is hypertension, is the examinee at maximum medical improvement; is the LVH caused by hypertension or another factor; and, if apportionment is allowed, then a careful analysis of the risk factors for other disorders associated with LVH is necessary. The left ventricular mass index should be present in the echocardiogram report and can guide the interpretation of the alleged LVH; if not present, it should be requested because it facilitates a more accurate analysis. Further, if the cause of the LVH is more likely independent of the hypertension, then careful reasoning and an explanation should be included in the impairment report. If hypertension is only a partial cause, a reasoned analysis and clear explanation of the apportionment are required.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.


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