scholarly journals Populism and Liberal Democracy: Populists in Government in Austria, Italy, Poland and Switzerland

2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniele Albertazzi ◽  
Sean Mueller

The enduring electoral success of populist parties across Europe and the increasing opportunities they have gained to access government in recent years bring once more into relief the question of whether populism and democracy are fully compatible. In this article we show how, despite playing different roles in government within very different political systems, and despite the numerous constraints placed upon them (for instance, EU membership, international law and domestic checks and balances), populist parties consistently pursued policies that clashed with fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. In particular, the idea that the power of the majority must be limited and restrained, the sanctity of individual rights and the principle of the division of powers have all come under threat in contemporary Europe. This has contributed to the continuing erosion of the liberal consensus, which has provided one of the fundamental foundations of the European project from its start.

Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny

This chapter discusses the concept of populism in greater detail and also describes how party systems are measured and classified. Rather than conceive of populism as a type of thin political ideology, this book understands populism as a distinctively personalistic type of political movement or organization in which charismatic leaders look to directly mobilize mass constituencies through the media and other means. The chapter next distinguishes between programmatic, patronage, and populist party systems, based on which type of party is most common. Finally, the chapter provides a quantitative analysis of the consequences of populist electoral success for democracy across a number of indicators. It shows that populist rule has generally negative consequences for the functioning of liberal democracy, which makes the effort to understand populist electoral success all the more pressing.


Author(s):  
Astrid Kjeldgaard-Pedersen

Chapter 9 reiterates and reflects on the overall conclusions of the previous chapters: (1) that positive international law has consistently supported Kelsen’s ‘a posteriori’ conception of international legal personality; (2) that, consequently, the international legal personality of any entity is solely a matter of (presumption-free) interpretation of international norms; and (3) that we must abandon both the widespread presumption against direct individual rights and obligations (in accordance with the ‘modified States-only’ conception of international legal personality) and the use of the orthodox ‘States-only’ conception of international legal personality as means to distinguish between international law and national law.


2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Mousseau

Democracy does not cause peace among nations. Rather, domestic conditions cause both democracy and peace. From 1961 to 2001, democratic nations engaged in numerous fatal conflicts with each other, including at least one war, yet not a single fatal militarized incident occurred between nations with contract-intensive economies—those where most people have the opportunity to participate in the market. In contract-intensive economies, individuals learn to respect the choices of others and value equal application of the law. They demand liberal democracy at home and perceive it in their interest to respect the rights of nations and international law abroad. The consequences involve more than just peace: the contract-intensive democracies are in natural alliance against any actor—state or nonstate—that seeks to challenge Westphalian law and order. Because China and Russia lack contractualist economies, the economic divide will define great power politics in the coming decade. To address the challenges posed by China and Russia, preserve the Westphalian order, and secure their citizens from terrorism, the contract-intensive powers should focus their efforts on supporting global economic opportunity, rather than on promoting democracy.


2008 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko Klasnja

Recent studies have suggested the existence of 'election-year economics' in fiscal policy in transition countries. This study asks whether such electoral cycles in aggregate measures (overall expenditures, revenues and balance) and spending composition (broad vs. targeted outlays) differ among countries with different political systems. This question is motivated by a sharp division between majoritarian presidential systems in Central Asia and Eastern Europe, and proportional-parliamentary systems in the Baltic's, Central and Southeastern Europe. Further, in the absence of context-sensitive theories, the paper asks whether observed outcomes in the transition process conform to the theoretical priors developed for conditions in stable democracies. Finally, the paper attempts to normatively establish whether either of the alternative combinations yields more optimal policy outcomes. The results suggest that the differences indeed exist, primarily on the revenue side and in the composition of expenditures. These results differ markedly from those for stable democracies, especially in the case of composition of spending. Normatively, presidential yields sub optimal outcomes in comparison to parliamentarians, likely due to inefficient system of constitutionally intended checks and balances. .


2020 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-116
Author(s):  
Inger Österdahl

This article investigates the Swedish constitutional framework for international military action. The constitutional provisions on self-defence and on the sending of armed forces to other countries are in focus. The provisions mainly concern the division of powers between the government and parliament and generally contain little substance. In the context of a relatively recent revision of the entire Swedish Constitution also the constitutional provisions on the government’s power to deploy the armed forces were subject to review. In the end not much was changed, but several suggestions for change were put forward by the official commission of inquiry on constitutional reform. Even though the suggestions for change were for the most part rejected, they are discussed in this article as a backdrop to the rules that remained. An ambition to tie the Swedish constitutional regulation even closer to international law was part of the suggested change which was eventually approved.


2013 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATTEO SARZO

AbstractThe following contribution interprets the ICJ decision on the case Jurisdictional Immunities of the State in a broader picture. The article focuses on the cause of action underlying the domestic civil claims, i.e. the primary rules providing for individual rights. Indeed, the traditional view, which conceives immunity as a ‘procedural’ rule, vigorously upheld by the Court, is not the only way to address this topic. In our view, state immunity is a substitute for other more sensitive questions, namely the definition of ‘state’, its prerogatives, and the individuals as right holders under international law. This approach points out a different rationale under state immunity, leading to major practical consequences in terms of the assessment of international jurisdiction.


1946 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 742-755 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene A. Korovin

The Second World War inflicted countless sufferings and misfortunes on mankind. At the same time the war put to the test, in the sacrifice and heroism at the battlefronts and in the rear, many peoples and states, social forms and political systems, doctrines and theories.


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