scholarly journals Unspoken SPS-Plus and SPS-Minus Aspirations: Biotechnologies in EU and US Trade Agreements

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Filippo FONTANELLI

In the World Trade Organization (WTO), the US approach to science-based risks and trade restrictions prevailed over that of the European Union (EU). The EU, dissatisfied with the margin of action available when “relevant scientific evidence is insufficient”, largely kept intact its internal practice on marketing and importing genetically modified (GM) crops and GM-containing products. The goal of this article is to ascertain whether these regulatory preferences of the US and the EU translate into their post-Biotech external trade efforts. US and EU preferential trade agreements are scanned for rules on trade in biotechnology goods or the use of precautionary elements in regulation. It transpires that neither bloc systematically tries (or manages) to bend trade agreements to accommodate its defensive or offensive trade interests in this field. Among the possible reasons for this apparent inertia are the US confidence in the WTO baseline and the EU preference for a “don’t ask, don’t tell” approach to its trade-restrictive policy in this area.

Author(s):  
Sedef Eylemer ◽  
Elif Cemre Besgur

The European Union (EU), United States (US), and China are the main global drivers of the international trade system. However, trade wars between them create tensions in the world. As the world is facing increasing neo-protectionist trade applications of the Trump administration, this chapter analyses whether a greater convergence between China and the EU is possible for protecting multilateralism through two case studies, namely (1) market conditions and discrimination, (2) cybersecurity. In this context, the chapter argues that although the US pressure has led the EU to rapprochement with China, this situation creates a dilemma for the EU in terms of the fears about the problems of alignment with the normative identity of the EU. Whereas the EU aims at regulating the global trade on a normative basis originating from its acquis, China has a more strategic perspective based upon specific relationship context. It is difficult to take a side for the EU due to its different standpoint compared to China in defending the multilateral trading system.


2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Lieberman ◽  
Tim Gray

The World Trade Organization (WTO) recently ruled on the case brought by the US, Canada and Argentina against the moratorium imposed by the European Union (EU) on imports of genetically-modified (GM) food and crops. Although the WTO's ruling has been greeted by the complainant countries as a victory, it found in their favor on only one narrow technical procedural issue, and it rejected more substantive challenges to the EU moratorium. In this article, we analyze the WTO report and explain the issues at stake, focusing particularly on the question of why the USA chose the WTO as the forum for its challenge to the EU moratorium, and whether it was wise to do so. Has the USA achieved its aims through the trade-specific WTO, or should it have taken its challenge to the more hostile, but environment-specific forum of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety? Alternatively, should the USA have refrained from mounting an official international challenge at all?


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Athanasios G. Panagopoulos

The European Union (EU), United States (US), and China are the main global drivers of the international trade system. Trade wars between them create tensions in the world. As the world is facing increasing neo-protectionist trade applications of the Trump administration, this paper analyses whether a greater convergence between China and the EU is possible for protecting multilateralism through two case studies, namely (1) market conditions and discrimination, (2) cybersecurity. In this context, the paper argues that although the US pressure has led the EU to reapprochement with China, this situation creates a dilemma for the EU in terms of the fears about the problems of alignment with the normative identity of the EU. Whereas the EU aims at regulating the global trade on a normative basis originating from its acquis, China has a more strategic perspective based upon specific relationship context. It is difficult to take a side for the EU due to its different standpoint compared to China in defending the multilateral trading system.


Author(s):  
Christos Hadjiemmanuil

In autumn 2008, just as the euro was approaching its tenth anniversary, the European Union (EU) became embroiled in the Global Financial Crisis (GFC). Elsewhere in the world, including in the US, where it originated, the GFC caused a very deep recession but then receded, and was essentially over by the end of 2009. In the EU, however, it took a double-dip form, with the EU-28 area’s real gross domestic product (GDP) suffering a -4.4 per cent fall in 2009 and another -0.5 per cent fall in 2012. The timing and impact of the crisis differed significantly across Member States, and the recovery was uneven. Taken as a whole, the euro area (EA19) performed worse than the rest of the EU, especially in 2012–13, when it lost -1.3 per cent of GDP, and only returned to its 2007 GDP level in 2015.


Author(s):  
Jens Ladefoged Mortensen

In a time of trade wars, free trade skepticism, tech rivalry, and multipolar disorder, the European Union (EU) cannot evade its responsibilities the last defender of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Yet, it raises the question of whether the EU has power to defend the WTO. The EU is a multilateralist-oriented power of global magnitude. Unlike the United States, the EU is openly defending the WTO in the current crisis created by continued refusal to appointment WTO Appellate Body members. Like the United States, the EU is concerned with the illegitimate trade practices of China. Yet, the EU uses diplomatic pressure on China within the rules of the WTO. The EU is actively trying to rescue the rule-based trade system. Yet, it cannot do so alone. It needs support, not just form other WTO members but also from within Europe itself. The current crisis is in part rooted in the inability of the WTO members to update the WTO rulebook. The focus will be on the potential clash between a more assertive EU on sustainability and the absence of updated WTO rules on sustainable trade issues. This may force the EU to confront a deep-rooted policy dilemma. The question is whether the EU should continue to refrain from using its market power to promote sustainable trade in respect of the WTO. As the EU is about to ratify several bilateral trade agreements of commercial, geo-economic, and indeed geo-political importance, such as the EU–Mercosur or EU–Vietnam agreements, the rule-orientation of the EU faces growing domestic opposition as well as external contestation. Furthermore, the EU is modernizing its trade defense weaponry, the antidumping instrument, and has recently declared its intent to impose unilateral climate-related trade policy measures, the carbon-adjustment tariff, in the future. Thus, an incident such as the burning of the Amazon forest may force the EU to take a tougher stance on sustainability at the risk of bringing the EU on a collision course with the WTO itself, its rules, process, and member states. Consequently, the complex setup of the EU as a trade power could make it difficult to ratify WTO-compatible trade agreements in the future.


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
RAÚL O'RYAN ◽  
CARLOS J. DE MIGUEL ◽  
SEBASTIAN MILLER ◽  
MAURICIO PEREIRA

ABSTRACTThis paper undertakes a quantitative analysis of the socioeconomic and environmental impacts of different trade agreements for Chile. A dynamic general equilibrium model is used to compare the consequences of unilateral liberalization and trade agreements with the European Union (EU) and the United States (USA). The results show that economic gains under the trade agreements are only significant if foreign investment increases or value added taxes are modified. Winners and losers depend on the agreement; however, unskilled labor-intensive sectors always progress. Consequently, these agreements seem to be good for the poorest groups. Some natural resource intensive sectors significantly increase their production with the EU and the US agreements, also increasing the environmental pressures. CO2 and PM-10 emissions are not very different under these agreements as compared to business as usual – under which environmental pressures increase significantly. The results show the importance of economy-wide analysis of trade agreements in developing contexts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Huw Roberts ◽  
Josh Cowls ◽  
Emmie Hine ◽  
Francesca Mazzi ◽  
Andreas Tsamados ◽  
...  

AbstractOver the past few years, there has been a proliferation of artificial intelligence (AI) strategies, released by governments around the world, that seek to maximise the benefits of AI and minimise potential harms. This article provides a comparative analysis of the European Union (EU) and the United States’ (US) AI strategies and considers (i) the visions of a ‘Good AI Society’ that are forwarded in key policy documents and their opportunity costs, (ii) the extent to which the implementation of each vision is living up to stated aims and (iii) the consequences that these differing visions of a ‘Good AI Society’ have for transatlantic cooperation. The article concludes by comparing the ethical desirability of each vision and identifies areas where the EU, and especially the US, need to improve in order to achieve ethical outcomes and deepen cooperation.


JAHR ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-394
Author(s):  
Mile Marinčić ◽  
Berislav Čović

The topic of TTIP and CETA was almost completely suppressed in Croatia.1 Those are very important international agreements which could have far-reaching consequences both for the world and individual countries. Maybe Croatia, as well as the EU, is not so much involved in the whole story concerning TTIP. However, CETA is an agreement signed by Canada with the European Union. Therefore, after the approval of the European Parliament, EU provisions, such as the customs policy, can immediately start to apply, which means abolishing duty rates for 99% of the products as early as 1 January 2017. The decision on the CETA conclusion on behalf of Croatia was initiated by the technical Government of Tihomir Orešković at its last session.2 The superficial interpretation of these certainly not harmless agreements is of too little interest to both philosophers and theologians in Croatia, and except for the Centre of Excellence for Integrative Bioethics’3 reaction concerning this question, other philosophical-theological discussions seem to be lacking. The impression is that philosophers and theologians feel these issues do not concern them. In this paper we will try to make clear that the above-mentioned international agreements concern both philosophers and theologians, and that they certainly should, from their field, from the theoretical level, engage in the discussion of the said agreements.


Author(s):  
Jolanta Solnyškinienė ◽  
Beata Černis

The article assesses which countries in the world are most suitable for export such goods as aluminum, steel, cheese, and meat from the European Union in the context of the European Union – US trade wars. The theoretical study is designed to identify factors that promote the export and import of goods and to identify factors that can be used for further multicriteria research. An investigation using multi-criteria methods, EDAS, TOPSIS and SAW, revealed alternative export countries in the context of the EU-US trade war. The calculated RCA index showed the competitiveness of the analyzed products: aluminum, steel, cheese and meat in the selected countries. Another step was a forecast of exports of the analyzed goods and also was made conclusions to which countries are most suitable to export aluminum,steel, meat, and cheese in the context of the European Union-US trade war.


2000 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-127
Author(s):  
Gyoung-Gyu Choi

This paper outlines the process of China's accession into the World Trade Organization (WTO) with special focus given to the negotiations between the United States and China, and the European Union (EU) and China. Various economic and political issues behind the scene explain why the US refused to accept China into the WTO for the last 14 years. The economic and political changes in America coupled with the economic and political changes in China placed the two countries in a position where a U.S-China bilateral agreement could be made. The EU acted as a free rider in these negotiations such that it achieved most of its objectives from the conclusion of the Sino-US negotiation. Moreover, the EU could have topped China's concession to the US if it had taken advantage of the opportunity right before the PNTR vote carne to the US Congress.


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