Determining a Science-based Food Safety Objective/Appropriate Level of Protection for Application in Developing Countries

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dasep WAHIDIN ◽  
Kai P PURNHAGEN

AbstractWhen determining the Appropriate Level of Protection (ALOP) in food safety law, developed countries rely on the Food Safety Objective (FSO) to meet the requirements of World Trade Organization (WTO) law and to provide a high level of protection based on insights from food safety science. Implementing an FSO/ALOP is resource-intensive and costly. Developing countries who would like to provide similar levels of protection are restricted by limited resources and often face difficulties implementing such an FSO-based ALOP. As a consequence, developing countries may base their ALOP on other legally acceptable reasons, which are non-scientific and less effective. We illustrate a less resource-intensive way to implement the FSO in the ALOP, which enables developing countries to design an ALOP that is based on food safety science. Depending on the resources available in the respective country, we map different possibilities to determine a science-based FSO/ALOP concept for developing countries, which also takes into account the requirements of WTO law.

2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Ruzita Mohd. Amin

The World Trade Organization (WTO), established on 1 January 1995 as a successor to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), has played an important role in promoting global free trade. The implementation of its agreements, however, has not been smooth and easy. In fact this has been particularly difficult for developing countries, since they are expected to be on a level playing field with the developed countries. After more than a decade of existence, it is worth looking at the WTO’s impact on developing countries, particularly Muslim countries. This paper focuses mainly on the performance of merchandise trade of Muslim countries after they joined the WTO. I first analyze their participation in world merchandise trade and highlight their trade characteristics in general. This is then followed by a short discussion on the implications of WTO agreements on Muslim countries and some recommendations on how to face this challenge.


Author(s):  
RamMohan R. Yallapragada ◽  
Ron M. Sardessai ◽  
Madhu R. Paruchuri

In July 2004, 147 World Trade Organization (WTO) member countries met in Geneva where the developed countries agreed to cut back and eventually eliminate an estimated $350 billion of their farm and export subsidies. The accord was hammered out by five WTO members including India and Brazil and submitted to the WTOs plenary session where it was finally ratified on July 31, 2004. The Fifth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization held in Cancun in September 2003 collapsed from inside as internal squabbles and irreconcilable philosophical differences developed between the developed countries and the developing countries. The WTO, which started with noble objectives of raising the global standards of living through international trade agreements and cooperation among the WTO member countries, appeared to be teetering on the verge of a complete collapse. Over the past decade, through five ministerial conferences, the WTO member countries gradually got polarized into two main blocks, the haves and the have nots, the developed countries and the still developing countries respectively. One of the important items of contention was the issue of reduction and elimination of the huge farm subsidies in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). At the 2003 WTO conference in Cancun, 21 of the developing countries formed a group, known as G-21 initiated under the leadership of Brazil and India, and insisted on discussions for elimination of the farm subsidies of the EU-US combine. The EU and US governments give billions of dollars worth of agricultural and export subsidies annually to their farmers that allow them to have a competitive advantage in international markets in effect preventing agricultural producers in developing countries from having access to global markets. The EU delegates insisted that the four Singapore issues must be dealt with first before including any discussions on the issues of farm subsidies on the agenda. The G-21 over night swelled into G-70. The developing countries refused to be pushed into a corner and have proved that they are now a force to reckon with. The WTO Cancun conference came to a dramatic end without any agreement, leaving the negotiations in a deadlock. At the historic July 2004 WTO negotiations in Geneva, an accord has been reached under which the developed countries agreed to reduce and eventually eliminate their export and farm subsidies. The developing countries also agreed to lower their tariffs on imports from EU-US and other developed countries. The accord is expected to pave the way for the resumption of the WTO Doha Round of multilateral negotiations to liberalize world trade.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Fitria Anindhita H. Wibowo

<p>This paper deals with the subject of Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) of the World Trade Organization (WTO), a special right that allows developing countries preferential treatment by other member countries, particularly developed countries. The paper more specifically discusses the ineffectiveness of the SDT owing to its structure and formulation, and explores the factors that have caused such ineffectiveness. It touches upon the provisions and the ways in which they are formulated and implemented, which deemed to have lead to the ineffectiveness. An observation of the way that negotiations are conducted and the underlying interests that direct those negotiations also contribute to the slow progress of introducing changes to the provisions. Furthermore, this paper analyses and identifies steps that may be taken to improve the concept, formulation, and implementation of SDT, inter alia through amendments of the provisions and conduct of negotiations. The paper also looks at several dispute cases which highlight the ineffectiveness of the existing provisions in advancing the interests of developing countries in particular and in fulfilling its purpose in general.</p>


Author(s):  
Florian Freund

AbstractDeveloping countries coalitions form an integral part of tariff negotiations that take place under the aegis of the World Trade Organization. While there was only a single coalition in the 70s, their number increased to 31 in the year 2005. Despite the apparent proliferation of coalitions in tariff negotiations, little research on their theoretical and empirical implications has been produced. In particular, we lack an understanding of efficiency and equity effects of coalitions. By exploring this equity-efficiency nexus, the study finds that developing countries coalitions like the G-90 and the Least Developed Countries Group – while benefiting member countries – lead to less efficiency and less equity overall. Forming the Cairns Group, however, leads to a more efficient and equal distribution of the gains from trade.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Zajaczkowski ◽  

The book addresses the issues of international development cooperation and the involvement of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in activities supporting developing countries in their integration into the world trading system. The author's intention was to examine what kind of role and significance the WTO plays in the area of development cooperation, assuming that a number of the organization’s activities fall within the scope of assistance. To this end, the types of activities have been specified, defined and explained. The author has done so on the basis of a critical analysis of the following areas: development assistance mechanisms and instruments, principles and rules of trade policy, GATT and WTO multilateral negotiations, special forms of cooperation between the WTO and developing countries. A qualitative study was conducted based on empirical data contained in documents, reports, scientific papers as well as OECD, WTO and UNCTAD statistical databases. The author has made an assessment of the WTO's action in the field of development cooperation, which is - so far - ambiguous and unclear. Nevertheless, the direction of evolution of the WTO strongly indicates the option of greater involvement and support of developing countries in their process of economic modernization. This is in line with the expectations of WTO's members, most of which include developing countries. In light of the ongoing debate on the future of the WTO, these countries are counting on greater support to achieve their trade-related development goals. In turn, it is in the interest of highly developed countries (USA, EU) to increase the effectiveness of the organization. This means changing trade rules and principles to adapt to new international conditions, including the adoption of a new type of support for less developed countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Anggi Mariatulkubtia

Indonesia's success at the World Trade Organization (WTO) in demanding the European Union (EU) to drop its biodiesel anti-dumping policy in 2018, as well as EU’s compliance with the decision, is a unique case when faced with the perception that international institutions tend to be inclined towards developed countries and disadvantaging developing countries. Utilizing Robert O. Keohane's liberal institutional functionalism theory, this paper describes how the WTO acted as a facilitator in resolving biodiesel disputes between the two parties. This paper argues that the WTO not only provides a dispute settlement mechanism and helps balance information biases, but also raises the cost of reputation and credibility that EU must pay if it chooses to defect the ruling. This research is not intended to show that the WTO, or international institutions and regimes in general, is an antidote for any disputes between developed and developing countries, or that it can always successfully mediate disputes between countries in general. Instead, this paper shows that international institutions can provide a platform for developing countries when facing developed countries, as long as the said actor acts rationally and makes careful calculations about its bargaining position and possible steps to be taken by its opponent.Keywords: WTO, European Union, Indonesia, anti dumping, liberal institutions, international regime, biodiesel. Kemenangan Indonesia di World Trade Organization (WTO) terhadap tuntutan penghapusan bea masuk anti dumping biodiesel Uni Eropa pada tahun 2018, serta kepatuhan Uni Eropa pada keputusan WTO tersebut, dapat dikatakan sebagai sebuah anomali ketika dihadapkan pada persepsi bahwa institusi internasional cenderung condong kepada negara maju dan merugikan negara berkembang. Tulisan ini menjabarkan bagaimana WTO berperan sebagai fasilitator dalam upaya penyelesaian sengketa biodiesel di antara kedua pihak, dengan menggunakan teori fungsionalisme institusi liberal Robert O. Keohane. WTO tidak hanya memberikan platform dan menyeimbangkan bias informasi lewat mekanisme penyelesaian sengketanya, namun juga menaikkan biaya reputasi dan kredibilitas yang harus dibayarkan Uni Eropa jika ia mengabaikan putusan institusi perdagangan internasional tersebut. Penelitian ini tidaklah ditujukan untuk menunjukkan bahwa WTO, atau institusi dan rezim internasional secara umum, dapat menjadi penawar bagi tiap-tiap pertikaian antara negara maju dan negara berkembang, atau menengahi pertikaian antar negara secara umum. Tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa institusi internasional dapat memberikan wadah bagi negara berkembang ketika dihadapkan dengan negara maju, selama aktor bertindak rasional dan membuat perhitungan yang matang mengenai posisi tawarnya serta langkah-langkah yang akan ditempuh oleh lawannya.Keyword: WTO, Uni Eropa, Indonesia, anti dumping, institusi liberal, rezim internasional, biodiesel.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Fitria Anindhita H. Wibowo

<p>This paper deals with the subject of Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) of the World Trade Organization (WTO), a special right that allows developing countries preferential treatment by other member countries, particularly developed countries. The paper more specifically discusses the ineffectiveness of the SDT owing to its structure and formulation, and explores the factors that have caused such ineffectiveness. It touches upon the provisions and the ways in which they are formulated and implemented, which deemed to have lead to the ineffectiveness. An observation of the way that negotiations are conducted and the underlying interests that direct those negotiations also contribute to the slow progress of introducing changes to the provisions. Furthermore, this paper analyses and identifies steps that may be taken to improve the concept, formulation, and implementation of SDT, inter alia through amendments of the provisions and conduct of negotiations. The paper also looks at several dispute cases which highlight the ineffectiveness of the existing provisions in advancing the interests of developing countries in particular and in fulfilling its purpose in general.</p>


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Ruzita Mohd. Amin

The World Trade Organization (WTO), established on 1 January 1995 as a successor to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), has played an important role in promoting global free trade. The implementation of its agreements, however, has not been smooth and easy. In fact this has been particularly difficult for developing countries, since they are expected to be on a level playing field with the developed countries. After more than a decade of existence, it is worth looking at the WTO’s impact on developing countries, particularly Muslim countries. This paper focuses mainly on the performance of merchandise trade of Muslim countries after they joined the WTO. I first analyze their participation in world merchandise trade and highlight their trade characteristics in general. This is then followed by a short discussion on the implications of WTO agreements on Muslim countries and some recommendations on how to face this challenge.


Asian Survey ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 1058-1081 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hidetaka Yoshimatsu ◽  
Patrick Ziltener

This article analyzes Japan's motivations in opening negotiations on free trade agreements with Australia and Switzerland, highlighting intersections between domestic and international factors. While Australia is a security ally of Japan and a main source of natural resources, Switzerland is a traditional ally in World Trade Organization negotiations and considered a gateway to the European market.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
SANGHAMITRA CHOUDHURY ◽  
Shailendra Kumar

<p>The relationship between women, technology manifestation, and likely prospects in the developing world is discussed in this manuscript. Using India as a case study, the paper goes on to discuss how ontology and epistemology views utilised in AI (Artificial Intelligence) and robotics will affect women's prospects in developing countries. Women in developing countries, notably in South Asia, are perceived as doing domestic work and are underrepresented in high-level professions. They are disproportionately underemployed and face prejudice in the workplace. The purpose of this study is to determine if the introduction of AI would exacerbate the already precarious situation of women in the developing world or if it would serve as a liberating force. While studies on the impact of AI on women have been undertaken in developed countries, there has been less research in developing countries. This manuscript attempts to fill that need.</p>


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