Enough is enough: the UK Prevent Strategy and normative invalidation

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (03) ◽  
pp. 326-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Bentley

AbstractThe clash between national security and civil rights comprises one of the most controversial aspects of counter-radicalisation strategy. Analysts present this as a conflict between the need for restrictive security measures (for example, surveillance) and the need to uphold civil liberties (for example, privacy and freedom of speech). In responding to this dilemma, the article examines how this binary normative struggle impacts on the rhetorical presentation of counter-radicalisation policies – in particular, the UK Prevent Strategy and the rhetoric employed by UK Prime Minister and former Home Secretary, Theresa May. It argues that the normative environment has obliged May to construct rhetoric within the context of, what is termed here, normative invalidation. In facing two comparably compelling and related norms of action, May is necessarily required to invalidate or neutralise any norm not adhered to as an essential characteristic of rhetorical strategy. This is discussed in relation to the Strategic Narratives paradigm.

1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-52
Author(s):  
Robert E. Cushman

The Supreme Court's decisions dealing with civil liberties in the ten years under review fall into four groups: (1) cases involving the rights protected by the First Amendment—freedom of religion, speech, press, and assembly; (2) those concerned with racial discrimination; (3) cases enlarging the power of the federal government to protect civil rights against invasion by private persons; (4) war-time cases arising out of conflicts between civil liberty and military power. Decisions dealing with procedural due process and other rights of those accused of crime are discussed in another part of this symposium.I. FIRST AMENDMENT—FREEDOM OF RELIGION, SPEECH, PRESS, AND ASSEMBLYDuring the decade we are examining, the Supreme Court not only has decided a substantial number of cases involving freedom of speech, press, and religion, but it has developed a new and important judicial philosophy or doctrine with respect to them. In this judicial doctrine, three principles are fused. The first is that the four liberties protected by the First Amendment are so indispensable to the democratic process and to the preservation of the freedom of our people that they occupy a preferred place in our scheme of constitutional values.


Subject UK-Africa trade, investment. Significance London on January 20 hosted its first ever UK-Africa Investment Summit. The flagship meeting was the first time UK and African business and government leaders had been brought together on such a scale -- even though not all African states were invited -- and was billed as early evidence of the UK government putting its ‘Global Britain’ agenda into practice as it embarks on its post-EU future. Impacts London’s aim to be the leading G7 investor in Africa by 2022, announced by then-Prime Minister Theresa May, appears to have been shelved. Despite talk of increasing renewable energy investments, these will remain a small portion of UK investment in Africa over the short term. UK-Africa trade relations will be shaped by the future direction of the EU’s relationship with African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
FLORIAN SCHEDING

In 2013, trucks and vans were driving across London, bearing the message ‘In the UK illegally? Go home or face arrest.’ These mobile billboards declared the number of arrests that had taken place ‘in your area’ in the previous week and provided a number to which people could text the message ‘HOME’ to initiate voluntary repatriation. In 2016, Theresa May, who had organised this scheme as home secretary, became prime minister, following the upheaval caused by the country's plebiscite to leave the European Union. One of the main strands of argument of the successful ‘Brexit’ campaign centred on the ‘deep public anxiety . . . about uncontrolled immigration’ and promised to reduce numbers of immigrants to the country. This desire to control the nation's borders continued to dominate the official soundscape of Britain's government. At the 2016 annual Tory conference, May endeavoured to draw clear lines on issues of belonging, territory, citizenship, and the fuzzy notion of British values, discursively excluding not only migrants, but also anyone with an international(ist) outlook from the national debate: ‘If you believe you are a citizen of the world’, she posited, ‘you are a citizen of nowhere.’


Author(s):  
Brendan O’Leary

At the start of 1959, when Sean Lemass became Ireland’s prime minister, Northern Ireland’s UUP looked fully in control, having quickly defeated an IRA campaign that had begun in 1956 and sputtered out in 1961. Yet just over a decade later the UUP’s control collapsed under the pressure of a civil-rights movement and its consequences. How this unexpected set of events unfolded and led to renewed British direct rule is explained in this chapter. The consequences of the British welfare state are emphasized. Northern Irish Catholics demanding equal rights with British citizens proved to be the key that unwound the UUP’s system of control. The UK Labour government of 1964–70 proved more sympathetic to Northern Irish Catholics than its predecessors had been in 1945–51 for reasons that are explained in this chapter and the next. Paradoxically, improved relations between the Southern and Northern governments preceded the erosion of the UUP’s control of the North.


2020 ◽  
pp. 199-206
Author(s):  
Anusha Kedhar

On March 29, 2017, the day after I left the UK on one of my last research trips to conduct fieldwork, Prime Minister Theresa May (2016–2019) triggered Article 50, which started the official two-year process for the UK to withdraw from the European Union (EU), more commonly known as Brexit (a portmanteau of “Britain” and “exit”)....


Significance The result is a stunning setback for Prime Minister Theresa May. The Conservative Party secured a notably larger share of the vote, but it was outpaced by the Labour Party, which achieved a much larger increase. The Scottish National Party (SNP) suffered substantial losses to both the Conservatives (which had been expected) and to Labour (which had not). The Liberal Democrats managed only a modest increase in their representation. Impacts If Sinn Fein once more refuses to take its seats at Westminster, a Conservative-DUP accord would command a slim but not unstable majority. If May survives she will be much less dominant and have to adopt a more collegial style. In different circumstances, the obvious solution might be a second general election in relatively short order. With the UK economy showing signs of slowing, however, the Conservative Party may be reluctant to risk that option.


Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett

The years immediately after the 2015 general election were dominated by another vote, held in 2016. In 2013, the electoral challenge from UKIP had forced David Cameron to promise an in–out referendum on the EU should his party win the next general election. Cameron fulfilled his promise, after negotiations with the EU which only partially addressed the grievances of Eurosceptics in UKIP and within his own party. The chapter discusses the narrow victory for ‘Leave’ in the 2016 referendum, arising from divisions within the UK which cut across previous party allegiances and introduced a new element of volatility in an electorate which was already barely recognizable from that of 1964. The situation was complicated further by the election of the radical left-wing MP Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader after his party’s 2015 defeat. By contrast, when David Cameron resigned as Conservative leader and Prime Minister after the referendum he was succeeded by Theresa May, who was regarded as a pragmatic centre-right politician who could negotiate a compromise ‘Brexit’ deal with the EU. The chapter examines May’s failure to carry out this promise, marked in particular by her inept attempt to secure a convincing parliamentary majority in the 2017 general election. When May was forced from office in 2019 she was succeeded by Boris Johnson, a far more controversial and divisive character who nevertheless was able to lead the Conservatives to a comfortable electoral victory, not least because their pro-European opponents were hopelessly divided. However, the victorious Conservatives had no reason to feel complacent; even if Johnson’s government could deliver the favourable Brexit deal which it had promised, over the years since 1964 the British electorate had become far more fickle and parties were increasingly vulnerable to events outside their control. Within a few months of the 2019 election, party competition in Britain, which had seemed so stable back in 1964, was exposed to a new and deadly source of disturbance—the outbreak in China of the Covid-19 virus—which presented the most serious challenge faced by any UK government since 1945.


Author(s):  
Rodney A. Smolla

This chapter looks into the order and morality theory as it gave way to the marketplace as the dominant constitutional position in 2017. It references the story of the evolution of US constitutional law in order to explain the fundamental shift in the American constitutional doctrines of freedom of speech. It also discusses the history of American constitutional law through three broad historical epochs. The “founding epoch” did not accomplish much in the way of exposition of civil rights or civil liberties, while the “middle epoch” was marked by outright hostility to civil rights and civil liberties. The “modern epoch” includes the revolution of withdrawing from the treatment of capitalism as a constitutional value.


Author(s):  
Emily Jones

This chapter analyses the politics of the Brexit negotiations and shows how the UK government’s failure to manage the fraught domestic politics posed a major constraint and challenge to the negotiations. Under UK Prime Minister Theresa May, the UK government struggled to put forward coherent negotiating proposals, hamstrung by deep splits within the UK Cabinet and the Conservative Party. After two years of negotiations, in November of 2018, the UK and EU reached an agreement, only to see it resoundingly rejected by UK Parliament three times. The UK was then plunged into a constitutional crisis, and Prime Minister May stepped down. Boris Johnson, May’s successor, took a more hard-line approach. He took extreme measures, including suspending the UK Parliament, a move that was ruled illegal by the UK Supreme Court. Activist backbench MPs and a series of court cases ruled out a no-deal exit and helped generate an agreement between the Johnson government and the EU, but it was not ratified until after a snap general election in December of 2019 delivered a resounding victory for the Conservatives. The UK duly left the EU on January 31, 2020, with a Withdrawal Agreement in place.


Kybernetes ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (7) ◽  
pp. 1278-1306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Yolles ◽  
Davide Di Fatta

Purpose This paper aims to use the cultural agency theory (CAT) formulated to represent a personality in which multiple identities reside. Dynamic identity theory is used to explain the relationship between the multiple identities, which impact on personality creating imperatives for behaviour. The mindset agency theory (MAT), a development of CAT, is used to evaluate the personal and public identities of Theresa May, the UK Prime Minister in 2017, to determine whether there is a psychological reason for the political inconsistency she demonstrated prior to and during the UK general election campaign. Design/methodology/approach CAT connects identity and personality theories and is elaborated on conceptually to include the dynamic identity theory, which explains how identities develop. Developing identities result in personality adjustments through trait movements. The theory is applied to Theresa May, the UK Prime Minister in 2017. A selection of her election narratives is taken, and summative content analysis is applied. Her public and personal identities are examined in this way. Data results are tested for reliability, and her public and personal identities are compared using MAT. Findings Theresa May’s personal and public identities, while related, have some differences, suggesting a clinical explanation for her political inconsistencies. Originality/value There is no other current theory that explains the relationship between personality and identity and can evaluate personality using a qualitative–quantitative approach, undertaking a comparative evaluation of multiple identities to explain clinical psychological conditions.


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