scholarly journals LIU ZEHUA 劉澤華 (1935–2018)

Early China ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Yuri Pines

AbstractThis obituary surveys the biography and major works of Liu Zehua, a leading scholar of China’s intellectual history, political thought, and political culture. It explores the impact of Liu Zehua’s personal experience, in particular the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution, on his conceptualization of Chinese political culture as subjugated to the overarching principle of monarchism. Liu Zehua’s critical engagement with China’s past distinguished him from proponents of revival of traditional values and made him one of the powerful opponents of cultural conservatives in China.

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 468-484
Author(s):  
Carol Atack

Abstract Plato’s survey in Laws book 3 of the development of human society from its earliest stages to the complex institutions of democratic Athens and monarchical Persia operates both as a conjectural history of human life and as a critical engagement with Greek political thought. The examples Plato uses to illustrate the stages of his stadial account, such as the society of the Cyclops and the myths of Spartan prehistory, are those used by other political theorists and philosophers, in some cases also drawing on the presence of the same stories in classical Greek epic and tragedy. By incorporating his critique into a timeline Plato is able to suggest that some approaches are limited in scope to specific social conditions, whereas his Athenian Stranger presents his analysis from an external and superior viewpoint, looking down on human society from above.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 639-658 ◽  
Author(s):  
Weiwei Zhang

One globalization paradigm argues that developing countries will increasingly resemble Western societies. Although influenced by Western trends, I argue that global consumerism will not make most Chinese abandon traditional values and adopt a different and totally Western consumer culture. This article, which is based on empirical evidence, stresses the role of culture and how it affects people’s strategies toward economic decision-making. I explore the changing values before and after the opening up policy, and how they influenced consumption patterns in different eras. The Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) in China was a campaign designed to pursue a purer form of communism and led to a distinctive set of cultural values and ideologies, resulting in unique consumption patterns. “Status goods” during this period were based on a person’s “revolutionary background” and loyalty to Chairman Mao, rather than on individual consumption preferences. After the opening up policy, consumer behavior moved closer to the patterns found in Western capitalist societies, but the mechanisms that drive this consumption are quite different. Chinese traditional values were challenged but did not disappear, and the impact of the Cultural Revolution also had a profound influence on those who lived through it. Contemporary Chinese consumers selectively choose certain cultural values from a range of options in order to legitimize their spending decisions.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lowell Dittmer

Although the major purpose of the Cultural Revolution was to transform Chinese political culture, the way in which this transformation took place has remained unclear. This paper attempts to understand cultural transformation as a process of interaction within a semiological system, consisting of a network of communicators and a lexicon of political symbols. The pragmatic aspect of this process is the outcome of an interplay among the intentions of the elites, the masses, and the target of criticism: political circumstances during the Cultural Revolution were more benign to the cathartic and hortatory intentions of the masses and elites than to the expiatory needs of the target. The syntactic aspect of the system concerns the relationship among symbols: These were found to form a dichotomous structure divided by a taboo barrier, which elicited strong but ambivalent desires to achieve a revolutionary breakthrough. The semantic aspect of the symbolism refers to problematic dimensions of experience in Chinese political culture–the psychological repression imposed by a system of rigid social censorship, the political discrimination practiced against certain social categories, the persistence of differences in income or educational achievement in a socialist system–and suggests that these “contradictions” may be resolved by bold frontal assault.The symbolism of Cultural Revolution polemics has now become part of Chinese political culture. Its impact seems to have been to inhibit social differentiation (particularly hierarchical), to encourage greater mass participation, and to foster more frequent and irreconcilable conflict among elites.


1979 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 136
Author(s):  
Melvin T. L. Ang ◽  
Bill Brugger ◽  
Andres D. Onate

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Sneath

A number of papers have been written in the west on the subject of the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia. Hyer and Heaton's (1968) account of the period in the China Quarterly deals with events up until 1968, and relies heavily upon an analysis of the news reports broadcast by Radio Inner Mongolia at that time. The paper focuses upon the fate of Ulanhu, the Chairman of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region who fell from power during the Cultural Revolution. Hyer and Heaton are concerned primarily with the power struggles within the political apparatus, and they include no first-hand or eyewitness accounts. The paper gives no indication of the effects of the Cultural Revolution upon the great bulk of the population of the I.M.A.R., either Mongolian or Han Chinese. However, the article does carefully document the rapidly changing tide of Inner Mongolian government policy and the emergence of populist groups which challenged the political establishment, over the period 1965 to 1968.


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