scholarly journals BLACK–WHITE MARITAL MATCHING: RACE, ANTHROPOMETRICS, AND SOCIOECONOMICS

2016 ◽  
Vol 82 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierre-André Chiappori ◽  
Sonia Oreffice ◽  
Climent Quintana-Domeque

Abstract:We analyze the interaction of black–white race with physical and socioeconomic characteristics in the US marriage market, using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. We estimatewho inter-racially marries whomalong anthropometric and socioeconomic characteristics dimensions. The black women who inter-marry are the thinner and more educated in their group; instead, white women are the fatter and less educated; black or white men who inter-marry are poorer and thinner. While women in “mixed” couples find a spouse who is poorer but thinner than if they intra-married, black men match with a white woman who is more educated than if they intra-married, and a white man finds a thinner spouse in a black woman. Our general findings are consistent with the “social status exchange” hypothesis, but the finding that black men who marry white women tend to be poorer than black men who marry black women isnot.

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thierry Gagné ◽  
Gerry Veenstra

<p>A growing body of research from the United States informed by intersectionality theory indicates that racial identity, gender, and income are often entwined with one another as determinants of health in unexpectedly complex ways. Research of this kind from Canada is scarce, however. Using data pooled from ten cycles (2001- 2013) of the Canadian Community Health Survey, we regressed hypertension (HT) and diabetes (DM) on income in subsamples of Black women (n = 3,506), White women (n = 336,341), Black men (n = 2,806) and White men (n = 271,260). An increase of one decile in income was associated with lower odds of hypertension and diabetes among White men (ORHT = .98, 95% CI (.97, .99); ORDM = .93, 95% CI (.92, .94)) and White women (ORHT = .95, 95% CI (.95, .96); ORDM = .90, 95% CI (.89, .91)). In contrast, an increase of one decile in income was not associated with either health outcome among Black men (ORHT = .99, 95% CI (.92, 1.06); ORDM = .99, 95% CI (.91, 1.08)) and strongly associated with both outcomes among Black women (ORHT = .86, 95% CI (.80, .92); ORDM = .83, 95% CI (.75, .92)). Our findings highlight the complexity of the unequal distribution of hypertension and diabetes, which includes inordinately high risks of both outcomes for poor Black women and an absence of associations between income and both outcomes for Black men in Canada. These results suggest that an intersectionality framework can contribute to uncovering health inequalities in Canada.</p><p><em>Ethn Dis.</em>2017;27(4):371-378; doi:10.18865/ ed.27.4.371. </p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daisy Massey ◽  
Jeremy Faust ◽  
Karen Dorsey ◽  
Yuan Lu ◽  
Harlan Krumholz

Background: Excess death for Black people compared with White people is a measure of health equity. We sought to determine the excess deaths under the age of 65 (<65) for Black people in the United States (US) over the most recent 20-year period. We also compared the excess deaths for Black people with a cause of death that is traditionally reported. Methods: We used the Multiple Cause of Death 1999-2019 dataset from the Center of Disease Control (CDC) WONDER to report age-adjusted mortality rates among non-Hispanic Black (Black) and non-Hispanic White (White) people and to calculate annual age-adjusted <65 excess deaths for Black people from 1999-2019. We measured the difference in mortality rates between Black and White people and the 20-year and 5-year trends using linear regression. We compared age-adjusted <65 excess deaths for Black people to the primary causes of death among <65 Black people in the US. Results: From 1999 to 2019, the age-adjusted mortality rate for Black men was 1,186 per 100,000 and for White men was 921 per 100,000, for a difference of 265 per 100,000. The age-adjusted mortality rate for Black women was 802 per 100,000 and for White women was 664 per 100,000, for a difference of 138 per 100,000. While the gap for men and women is less than it was in 1999, it has been increasing among men since 2014. These differences have led to many Black people dying before age 65. In 1999, there were 22,945 age-adjusted excess deaths among Black women <65 and in 2019 there were 14,444, deaths that would not have occurred had their risks been the same as those of White women. Among Black men, 38,882 age-adjusted excess <65 deaths occurred in 1999 and 25,850 in 2019. When compared to the top 5 causes of deaths among <65 Black people, death related to disparities would be the highest mortality rate among both <65 Black men and women. Comment: In the US, over the recent 20-year period, disparities in mortality rates resulted in between 61,827 excess deaths in 1999 and 40,294 excess deaths in 2019 among <65 Black people. The race-based disparity in the US was the leading cause of death among <65 Black people. Societal commitment and investment in eliminating disparities should be on par with those focused on other leading causes of death such as heart disease and cancer.


Circulation ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 125 (suppl_10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura R Loehr ◽  
Xiaoxi Liu ◽  
C. Baggett ◽  
Cameron Guild ◽  
Erin D Michos ◽  
...  

Introduction: Since the 1980’s, length of stay (LOS) for acute MI (AMI) has declined in the US. However, little is known about trends in LOS for non-white racial groups and whether change in LOS is related to insurance type or hospital complications. Methods: We determined 22 year trends in LOS for nonfatal (definite or probable) AMI among black and white residents age 35–74 in 4 US communities (N=396,514 in 2008 population) under surveillance in the ARIC Study. Events were randomly sampled and independently validated using a standardized algorithm. All analyses accounted for sampling scheme. We excluded MI events which started after admission (n=1,677), events within 28 days for the same person (n=3,817), hospital transfers (n=571), and those with LOS=0 or LOS >66 (top 0.5% of distribution, N= 144) leaving 22,258 weighted events for analysis. The average annual change in log LOS was modeled using weighted linear regression with year as a quadratic term. All models adjusted for age and secondary models adjusted for insurance type (Medicare, Medicaid, private, or other), and complications during admission (cardiac arrest, cardiogenic shock, or heart failure). Results: The average age-adjusted LOS from 1987 to 2008 was reduced by 5 days in black men (9.5 to 4.5 days); 4.6 days in white women (9.4 to 4.8 days); 4 days in white men (8.3 to 4.3 days) and 3.6 days in black women (9.0 to 5.4 days). Between 1987 and 2008, the age-adjusted average annual percent change (with 95% CI) in LOS was largest for white men at −4.40 percent per year (−4.91, −3.89) followed by −3.89 percent (−4.52, −3.26) for white women, −3.72 percent (−4.46, −2.89) for black men, and −2.94 percent (−3.92, −1.96) for black women (see Figure). Adjustment for insurance type, and complications did not change the pattern by race and gender. Conclusions: Between 1987 and 2008, LOS for AMI declined significantly and similarly in men and women, blacks and whites. These changes appear independent of differences in insurance type and hospital complications among race-gender groups.


Circulation ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 129 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika M Safford ◽  
Paul Muntner ◽  
Raegan Durant ◽  
Stephen Glasser ◽  
Christopher Gamboa ◽  
...  

Introduction: To identify potential targets for eliminating disparities in cardiovascular disease outcomes, we examined race-sex differences in awareness, treatment and control of hyperlipidemia in the REGARDS cohort. Methods: REGARDS recruited 30,239 blacks and whites aged ≥45 residing in the 48 continental US between 2003-7. Baseline data were collected via telephone interviews followed by in-home visits. We categorized participants into coronary heart disease (CHD) risk groups (CHD or risk equivalent [highest risk]; Framingham Coronary Risk Score [FRS] >20%; FRS 10-20%; FRS <10%) following the 3 rd Adult Treatment Panel. Prevalence, awareness, treatment and control of hyperlipidemia were described across risk categories and race-sex groups. Multivariable models examined associations for hyperlipidemia awareness, treatment and control between race-sex groups compared with white men, adjusting for predisposing, enabling and need factors. Results: There were 11,677 individuals at highest risk, 847 with FRS >20%, 5791 with FRS 10-20%, and 10,900 with FRS<10%; 43% of white men, 29% of white women, 49% of black men and 43% of black women were in the highest risk category. More high risk whites than blacks were aware of their hyperlipidemia but treatment was 10-17% less common and control was 5-49% less common among race-sex groups compared with white men across risk categories. After multivariable adjustment, all race-sex groups relative to white men were significantly less likely to be treated or controlled, with the greatest differences for black women vs. white men (Table). Results were similar when stratified on CHD risk and area-level poverty tertile. Conclusion: Compared to white men at similar CHD risk, fewer white women, black men and especially black women who were aware of their hyperlipidemia were treated and when treated, they were less likely to achieve control, even after adjusting for factors that influence health services utilization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (suppl 1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Burgard ◽  
Debora de Pina Castiglione ◽  
Katherine Y. Lin ◽  
Aline A. Nobre ◽  
Estela M. L. Aquino ◽  
...  

Abstract: There has been little cross-national comparison of perceived discrimination, and few studies have considered how intersectional identities shape perception of discriminatory treatment in different societies. Using data from the ELSA-Brasil, a study of Brazilian civil servants, and the Americans’ Changing Lives Study, a nationally-representative sample of U.S. adults, we compare reports of lifetime discrimination among race-by-gender groups in each society. We also consider whether educational attainment explains any group differences, or if differences across groups vary by level of education. Results reveal higher lifetime discrimination experiences among Black respondents in both countries, especially Black men, than among Whites, and lower reports among White women than White men. Brown men and women also reported higher levels than White men in Brazil. For all race-by-gender groups in both countries, except Brazilian White men, reports of discrimination were higher among the more educated, though adjusting for educational differences across groups did not explain group differences. In Brazil, we found the greatest racial disparities among the college educated, while U.S. Black men were more likely to report discrimination than White men at all levels of education. Results reveal broad similarities across countries, despite important differences in their histories, and an intersectional approach contributed to identification of these similarities and some differences in discrimination experiences. These findings have implications for social and public health surveillance and intervention to address the harmful consequences of discrimination.


Legal Studies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shreya Atrey

AbstractThis article considers the use of comparison in establishing multi-ground claims of intersectional discrimination. Leading examples of test cases from the US and the UK exemplify the challenges in using comparison to establish discrimination against Black women, based on the grounds of both race and sex. These challenges include: the insistence on using a single mirror comparator (viz white men) or the difficulties in choosing multiple comparators from a range of options (viz white women, Asian women, Black men, white men etc); the missing rationale for the selection; and the unwieldiness in actually appreciating the nature of intersectional discrimination based on this exercise. To overcome these, Canadian courts have relaxed the strict requirement of necessarily resorting to comparison for proving discrimination and switched to the flexible approach. However, in practice, flexible approach appears as fastidious as strict comparison in its selection and use of comparators. Thus, neither of the two approaches has been too helpful in supporting intersectional claims. The article argues that instead, a useful way of proving intersectional discrimination is to follow the South African approach of making comparisons contextually: (i) between all relevant comparators, identified in reference to one, some, and all of the grounds or personal characteristics; and (ii) sifting through comparative evidence with the purpose of establishing similar and different patterns of group disadvantage which characterise the nature of intersectional discrimination. This approach brings both principle and purpose to employing comparison and can be especially useful in appreciating intersectional discrimination as based on multiple grounds.


2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Brown

Both politicians and the mass public believe that identity influences political behavior yet, political scientists have failed to fully detail how identity is salient for all political actors not just minorities and women legislators. To what extent do racial, gendered, and race/gendered identities affect the legislation decision process? To test this proposition, I examine how race and gender based identities shape the legislative decisions of Black women in comparison to White men, White women, and Black men. I find that Black men and women legislators interviewed believe that racial identity is relevant in their decision making processes, while White men and women members of the Maryland state legislature had difficulty deciding whether their identities mattered and had even more trouble articulating how or why they did. African American women legislators in Maryland articulate or describe an intersectional identity as a meaningful and significant component of their work as representatives. More specifically, Black women legislators use their identity to interpret legislation differently due to their race/gender identities.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chang Li ◽  
Marcelline Harris ◽  
Dennis Tsilimingras ◽  
Sophia Liu ◽  
Ying Sheng ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Sagittal abdominal diameter (SAD) is an anthropometric index associated with visceral adiposity. It remains unclear whether SAD and its socio-economic correlates differ in women and men, which limits the epidemiological and clinical applications of the SAD measurement. The aims of this study are to examine the sex differences in SAD and its socio-economic correlates.Methods A complex stratified multistage clustered sampling design was used to select 6,975 men and 7,079 women aged 18 years or more from the National Health Nutrition and Examination Survey 2011-2016, representative of the US civilian non-institutionalized population. SAD was measured in accordance to the standard protocols using a two-arm abdominal caliper. The sex differences in SAD and its socio-economic correlates were evaluated by performing weighted independent t tests and weighted multiple regression. Results SAD was lower in women than in men in the entire sample, as well as in all the subgroups characterized by age, race, birth place, household income, and body mass index except for non-Hispanic blacks and those with household income < $20,000. Adjusted for other characteristics, age, birth place, household income, and body mass index were associated with SAD in both women and men. Black women were associated with higher SAD then white women (p<.0001), and Hispanic and Asian men were associated with lower SAD than white men (both p<.01). Women born in other countries were more likely to have lower SAD than women born in the US (p<.0001), and so were men (p=.0118). Both women and men with a household income of <$75,000 had higher SAD than those with an income of over $75,000. The associations of age, race, and household income with SAD differed in women and men.Conclusion SAD is lower in women than in men, in the general population as well as in the most socio-economic subgroups. While socio-economic correlates of SAD are similar in women and men, the associations of age, race, and household income with SAD vary across sex.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chang Li ◽  
Marcelline Harris ◽  
Dennis Tsilimingras ◽  
Sophia Liu ◽  
Ying Sheng ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Sagittal abdominal diameter (SAD) is an anthropometric index associated with visceral adiposity. It remains unclear whether SAD and its socio-economic correlates differ in women and men, which limits the epidemiological and clinical applications of the SAD measurement. The aims of this study are to examine the sex differences in SAD and its socio-economic correlates.Methods A complex stratified multistage clustered sampling design was used to select 6,975 men and 7,079 women aged 18 years or more from the National Health Nutrition and Examination Survey 2011-2016, representative of the US civilian non-institutionalized population. SAD was measured in accordance to the standard protocols using a two-arm abdominal caliper. The sex differences in SAD and its socio-economic correlates were evaluated by performing weighted independent t tests and weighted multiple regression. Results SAD was lower in women than in men in the entire sample, as well as in all subgroups characterized by age, race, body mass index, birth place, and household income except for non-Hispanic blacks and those with household income < $20,000. Adjusted for other characteristics, SAD increased with age and body mass index for both women and men (p<.0001). Compared to white women, Asian women were associated with lower SAD (p=.018), and black women with higher SAD (p<.0001). Compared to white men, Hispanic and Asian men were associated with lower SAD (both p<.0001). Women born in other countries were more likely to have lower SAD than women born in the US (p<.0001), and so were men (p=.0118). Both women and men with a household income of <$75,000 had higher SAD than those with an income of over $75,000.Conclusion SAD is lower in women than in men, in the general population as well as in the most socio-economic subgroups. Socio-economic correlates of SAD were similar in women and men.


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