Intimate Rivals: The Freedom of Religious Nationalism

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43
Author(s):  
Gilad Abiri
Keyword(s):  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Liberal Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Religious Nationalism ◽  
Unique Challenge ◽  
The Status ◽  
Unique Status

AbstractIn this article, I argue that religious nationalism poses a unique challenge to the liberal theory of religious freedom. In arguing this, the article first develops and defines an ideal type of religious nationalism through an analysis of Hindu-nationalist and religious Zionist thought. I show that religious nationalism in states like India and Israel have the unique status of intimate rivals. They are intimate since they are able to successfully present themselves as the carriers of the authentic character of the nation-state and utilize modern political tools. As a result, they are free of much of the unifying pressures of state nationalism. And they are rivals because they promote a vision of society and politics that fundamentally challenges the political identity of the state. The paper then turns to the justifications and rationales of religious freedom—both in seminal cases and in political and legal scholarship—and applies them to religious nationalism. It argues that the status of intimate rivalry should, depending on which justification of religious freedom we adhere to, change the way in which we morally and legally understand religious nationalism. First, because religious nationalism is intimate—that is, acceptable and mainstream—it should be approached as a part of the culture of the majority. This implies that we should be less concerned about infringements of religious freedom in the case of the adherents and organizations of religious nationalism. Second, the rivalry of religious nationalism is in itself a good reason for the nation-state not to accommodate it.

Reflections on Race and Ethnicity in North Africa Towards a Conceptual Critique of the Arab–Berber Divide

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-288
Author(s):  
Mohamad Amer Meziane
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
French Colonialism ◽  
Cultural Minority ◽  
The Status ◽  
French Colonial ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractThis essay argues that the usages of the divide between Berbers and Arabs by the Algerian government and Berber activists alike should be analyzed in light of the transformation of the Imazighen into a cultural minority by the nation-state. The nation-state's definition of the majority as Arab, as well as the very concept of a minority, has shaped both the status and the grammar of the Arab-Berber divide in ways that are irreducible to how this binary functioned under French colonialism. In order to understand the distinct modes by which these categories function in Algeria today, one needs to analyze how the language of the nation-state determines their grammar, namely how they are deployed within this political context. Hence, by focusing primarily on French colonial representations of race such as the Kabyle Myth and by asserting simplified colonial continuities, the literature fails to make sense of the political centrality of the nation-state in the construction of the Amazigh question.

Problems and pressure points in Hungarian-Romanian relations in the context of a “change of systems” and subsequent post-communist development

2021 ◽  
pp. 269-299
Author(s):  
Aleksandr S. Stykalin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Historical Memory ◽  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
National Consciousness ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
Mutual Interest ◽  
The Status ◽  
Bilateral Cooperation

In the constitution adopted after the fall of the Ceauşescu regime, Romania was declared a unitary nation-state, which was an obstacle to granting autonomy to two counties of Eastern Transylvania where ethnic Hungarians make up the vast majority of the population. Nevertheless, this issue continues to be part of the political life of Romania, periodically increasing the tension in relations between Bucharest not only with the Hungarian parties of Romania, but also with the Hungarian government that supports these parties. The fundamental differences in approach to the problem of the status of the Hungarian minority in Transylvania did not, however, become an obstacle to the progressive development of mutually beneficial bilateral cooperation between the two neighboring countries. Owing to the fact that the Hungarian national consciousness continues to perceive the loss of Transylvania as painful, “wars” of historical memory flare up from time to time between Romania and Hungary. However, pragmatic considerations, and, above all, mutual interest in economic cooperation, contribute to overcoming any conflicts that emerge.

Charles Taylor’s Work after A Secular Age

2018 ◽  
pp. 174-192
Author(s):  
Craig Browne ◽  
Andrew P. Lynch
Keyword(s):  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
French Language ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
The Status ◽  
Secular Age ◽  
The Government

This chapter explores what Taylor has been working on since publishing A Secular Age. This includes his work on religious freedom, his contribution to a report for the Government of Quebec on diversity and multiculturalism in the province, and his study on language and its place and role in the political and social debates that are shaping our world. The chapter examines Taylor’s arguments about religious freedom and its importance for harmonious social conditions in modern societies that are struggling to negotiate the boundaries between the religious and the secular realms, particularly at a time when both religious and secular viewpoints remain important to many citizens in modern democracies. The chapter then provides an overview of Taylor’s work on a report for the Government of Quebec that was commissioned at a time of intense scrutiny in the province about the status of the French language, the maintaining of French cultural traditions, and issues to do with jobs and incomes as the region faces high levels of immigration and increased diversity. Taylor’s book The Language Animal is also examined, and his views about how we understand language as being expressive or functional is assessed.

scholarly journals lliberal Democracy: the Case of Democratic Erosion

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Campbell
Keyword(s):  
Settler Colonialism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
State Law ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
International Attention ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Law ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
Western Democracies

This paper uses Israel’s 2018 Nation-State Law, which guarantees the “ethnic-religious character of Israel as exclusively Jewish,” as a lens to reveal the ongoing socio-political change in Israel and processes of democratic erosion. In addition to having immediate relevance for contemporary Israeli policy, especially concerning the status of Arab Israelis and the likely annexation of the West Bank, the law poses a profound, existential challenge for the maintenance of Israel as a democratic state. Drawing on Fareed Zakaria’s theory of “illiberal democracy,” this paper analyses the implications of this law for Israel, for the linked concepts of liberalism and democracy, and for the future of the democratic state in an increasingly illiberal world. The law is a culmination of other basic laws and political thresholds, and accelerates settler colonialism. Gaining more international attention than previous basic laws, the political thresholds prior to the Nation-State Law and cumulative legislation building up to the debate have been ignored. Analysing these thresholds will reveal the efficacy of supporting such a law and using nationhood provisions in other Western democratic constitutions as justification. This paper is a warning: to act upon seemingly insignificant anti-democratic legislation before political actions become irreparable.     The law is a culmination of other basic laws, political thresholds, and accelerates settler colonialism. Gaining more international attention than previous basic laws, direct discriminatory implications on Arab minorities as well as powerful legal consequences, the political thresholds prior to the Nation-State Law and cumulative legislation building up to the debate have been ignored. This paper will hopefully reveal the efficacy of supporting such a law and using the nationhood provisions in other constitutions in Western democracies as justification. This paper is a warning: to act upon seemingly insignificant anti-democratic legislation before political actions become irreparable.  

scholarly journals Politik Identitas dan Negara Bangsa di Riau

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Erman ' ◽  
Muchid Albintani
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Relative Deprivation ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Vision 2020 ◽  
Politics Of Identity ◽  
The Relationship

Riau Vision 2020, regional regulations on Lembaga Adat Melayu[LAM] Riau, the issue of sons and non-sons of the region in regional head elections are the main characteristic of the ongoing revival of the Political Identity of the era of regional autonomy in Riau. The Rise of Identity Politics in Riau is considered to be at odds with the nation-state whose essence is recognizing diversity. The politics of identity in this context is considered to jeopardize the development of the diversity-based nation-state [nationalism]. This research aims, firstly, to address the PoliticalIdentity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration.Second, explaining the main obstacles to the Political Identity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration. The Political Approach to Identity and Nation-State is used as a theoretical framework. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis method. Data is collected based on documents supported by interviews. After collecting the data analyzed qualitatively. The results of the study concluded, first, that the existence of theRiau 2020 vision, and the Riau Malay Customary Institution as a forum for empowerment of ‘Malays’ in the context of the Politics of Identity and State-nation, kept the potential for ethnicideological conflict.The concept of ‘Melayu’ in the vision impresses the sultry between Malay [ethnic] and Islam [ideology]. The vision is the consequence of local-minority hegemony. ‘Melayu’,structurally and constitutionally suggests that Melayu Malays ’control, even though there are minorities if they are accumulated with other ethnic groups. Second, the various obstacles that occur in the relationship between the Politics of Identity and State-nation are, [1] Malays are interpreted as hegemony in terms of relative deprivation. [2] Structural and cultural constraints have an effect on the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity [the existence of Riau LAM suggests more superiority and cultural domination. [3] Shifting issues in Political Idenitas, does not work linearly due to institutional-based personal interests. Practically this research provides an important reference for the relationship between LAM Riau and local governments that can prevent local disintegration. Academically, the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity can be constructed into a model and approach that can anticipate potential identity conflicts, especially in Riau.

scholarly journals Discussion on Improving the Political Identity of College Students in the Network Environment

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 124
Author(s):  
Ru Liu
Keyword(s):  
College Students ◽  
Education System ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Traditional Education ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Network Environment ◽  
Higher Education System ◽  
The Status

With the in-depth reform of China’s higher education system, the status of ideological and political education in colleges and universities plays a pivotal role, and the political identity of college students has developed rapidly. Under the traditional education system, colleges and universities attach great importance to increasing political identity education in ideological and political theory courses. Under the current new situation, college students are the most active group on the Internet, and they are accustomed to expressing opinions and attitudes on different events through the Internet. Therefore, it should be aware of the importance of enhancing the political identity of college students under the network environment, and give full play to the role of the Internet in cultivating college students’ political identity. This article focuses on the issues related to enhancing the political identity of college students in the network environment, and enhancing the political identity of college students.

Religious Patterns of Neoconservatism in Latin America

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Marco Vaggione ◽  
Maria Das Dores Campos Machado
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Reproductive Rights ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sexual Morality ◽  
The Past ◽  
Collective Actors ◽  
Sexual And Reproductive Rights

During the last four decades, Latin America has witnessed the political strengthening of collective actors with conflicting agendas: feminist and LGBTQ+ movements on one side, and Catholic and Pentecostal Evangelical sectors on the other. While the first two movements focus on gender equality and the extension of sexual and reproductive rights, the Pentecostal and Catholic sectors have also adopted a political identity, but with an agenda prioritizing the defense of religious freedom and Christian sexual morality. Far from being a holdover from the past, the political strategies employed by these religious sectors continue to affect public debate across much of Latin America today.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

Orthodox arrangement of the Pochaiv Lavra in the second third of the XIX century.

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Motivation ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.

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