scholarly journals The African Growth and Opportunity Act and the African Continental Free Trade Area

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 377-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Davis

This essay assesses and evaluates the extent to which the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) increased imports from AGOA eligible countries to the United States from 2001 to 2015. The essay then examines how African countries can make the most of the preferences granted under AGOA, arguing that AGOA national utilization strategies have proven successful. In the final part, the essay explores options for future U.S.-Africa trade relations after the AGOA expires in 2025, proposing approaches that would best support African development. In this regard, this essay argues that, since Congress is unlikely to renew AGOA in its current form and since AGOA will likely be replaced with an arrangement requiring some degree of reciprocity, it will be very important for (1) the African Union's Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA) to be implemented before any new U.S.-Africa trading arrangement comes into force and (2) for negotiations for any future U.S.-Africa trading arrangement not to mimic the negotiations conducted for the Economic Partnership Agreements with the European Union.

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-39
Author(s):  
Andrei Martynov ◽  
Sergey Asaturov

The European Union has met Donald Trump's presidency in a crisis, caused by Britain's exit, quarrels over migration policy and prospects for European integration. Trump has abandoned a project to create a transatlantic free trade area. He demanded a one-sided trade advantage for the United States. The rejection of the liberal project of multilateral foreign policy contributed to the deepening of contradictions between the EU and the US in the field of trade, environment, the regime of international disarmament treaties, the algorithm for resolving regional conflicts. The Trump era in US foreign policy was a time of abandoning liberal globalism. But it is impossible to realize this task in one cadence. The question is whether it is possible for Democrats to fully restore liberal globalism in equal cooperation with the European Union.Trump has abandoned the project of a transatlantic free trade area between the United States and the European Union. This shocked the European elites. Differences in approaches to world trade contributed to the coolness. The European Union is promoting a liberal approach. Trump insisted on the priority of the patronage of American interests. As a result, the tradition of relationships has suffered. Until 2017, the United States bought European goods and paid the most to the NATO budget. Trump demanded trade parity and more European funding for NATO. European elites perceived Trump's approach to migration issues as unacceptable. Trump's policy on international conflicts has become another reason for mutual misunderstanding. Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and helped establish diplomatic relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. This has become a challenge for the European Union's Middle East policy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-98
Author(s):  
Ghazala Begum Essop

The role of regional economic communities in the development of trade in Africa is widely recognised. Currently, intra-African trade stands at 10 per cent. This is in sharp contrast to other developing regions of the world. In Asia and Latin America, the levels of intra-trade are 50 and 26 per cent, respectively. There are a number of reasons accounting for the low level of intra-African trade, including the weak mandate given to regional economic communities to monitor and enforce the commitments assumed by countries under regional trade agreements. The lack of integration has negatively impacted on African countries and affected their ability to attract foreign direct investment commensurate with their development needs. Had African countries been less exposed to external markets, they would have been minimally affected by the global financial crisis. The importance of boosting intra-African trade was highlighted by Africa’s Heads of State and Government when they devoted this year’s summit to this theme. In the run-up to the summit, the African Union Commission released a study that underscored the importance of regional economic communities in the process of economic integration in Africa. Currently, SADC member states are in the process of implementing the SADC Trade Protocol, which would create a fully-fledged free trade area and later a customs union, and at the same time engaged in tripartite negotiations aimed at merging the three (SADC, COMESA and the EAC) regional configurations. They are also engaged in the EPA negotiations with the European Union, which would create a free trade area and also the Doha negotiations under the auspices of the WTO. The main objective of this article is to estimate SADC countries’ bilateral trade potential, which may result in the improvements in trade facilitation.


2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Bulmer-Thomas

Negotiations between the European Union and MERCOSUR aim to establish the first free trade agreement ever between two customs unions. Among the potential obstacles are compliance with World Trade Organization rules, treatment of “sensitive” products, and competition from the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas. This analysis reviews the economic background on both sides, the motivation, and the prospects for success, along with the agreement’s potential impact on the largest third party, the United States.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Shumei Chen ◽  
Dandan Li

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to predict the likely economic effects of a free trade area (FTA) on both China and the United Kingdom (hereafter the UK). Design/methodology/approach Following literature review and trade relationship briefing, this paper uses the Global Trade Analysis Project simulation to predict the economic effects of such a FTA on both China and the UK. Findings The simulation results indicate that a China-UK free trade area (hereafter CUFTA) will bring more benefits than harm to both China and the UK, and achieving zero tariff or reducing technological barriers to trade (TBT) is mutually beneficial for both China and the UK, with the growth in GDP, economic welfare as well as import and export. Combining zero tariff and the reduction of TBT in exceptional departments is the most favorable way to improve the macroeconomic effects without bringing damaging effects on the comparative disadvantage industries such as transport equipment, chemicals industries for China and textiles and apparel industry for the UK. Originality/value After the UK voted to leave the European Union, CUFTA is put on the agenda by both the governments, yet there are fewer studies on CUFTA, with this paper being one of the early trials. Besides, based on the simulation results, some policy suggestions will be put forward for future negotiations and industrial policies’ adjustment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-131
Author(s):  
A. V. Toropygin

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Serbia — EAEU relations development through the prism of the Agreement on the Free Trade Area (FTA) — between the integration association and the separate economy / country. The purpose of this study is to identify the prospects of the FTA taking into account Serbia’s desire to integrate into the European Union. The author come to the conclusion that intensive interaction, primarily between Serbia and Russia through the FTA between Serbia and the EAEU, is explained, on the one hand, by Serbia’s multi-vector foreign policy, and, on the other hand, by Russia’s attentive attitude to the course of the conflict over Kosovo. Russia has economic interests in this region, as well as the region is people-related value for Russia within which it has used and will intensively utilize of soft power mechanisms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-194
Author(s):  
Catherine Penda

African countries have long recognised that regional integration is vital if Africa is to optimise its growth potential and boost its bargaining power in the global marketplace. This explains the proliferation of several Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) across the continent culminating in the conclusion of the landmark African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). However, despite the concerted efforts to boost intra-trade among African countries, African borders remain ‘thick’ because of the continued existence of Non-Tariff Barriers (NTBs) that reverse gains made from initiatives of trade liberalisation. Accordingly, if the landmark Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is to be successful, it must strive to address and eliminate Africa’s NTBs. It is argued in this paper that while the AfCFTA makes some important strides in reducing NTBs in intra-African trade, there are still some significant gaps in the AfCFTA’s provisions on NTBs that need to be addressed. Some of these gaps include: the lack of a comprehensive legal framework that adequately addresses all the categories of NTBs and the lack of clear guidelines on how to promote harmonisation among conflicting measures among RTAs. This article singles out and analyses provisions on NTBs under the AfCFTA with the aim of determining whether the AfCFTA addresses the challenges currently facing other RTAs in tackling NTBs. The author will identify shortcomings in the legal framework of the AfCFTA with the aim of making proposals to address them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Janes Guratan Djermor ◽  
Ivan Yulianto

The ASEAN-India Free Trade Area (AIFTA) policy has been effectively run since January 1, 2010. It is time to evaluate its benefits for trade relations between its members, especially between Indonesia and India. Analysis of the effectiveness and benefits of AIFTA policy in this study uses the Gravity Model by calculating the variables of Indonesia's GDP, India's GDP, transportation costs, and AIFTA's policies enggaged in trade relations between Indonesia and India using data from first quarter of 2004 until first quarter of 2018. This research shows that implementation of AIFTA does not have any effect on trade between two countries since trade between them had already reaching normal level. This research wishes to give a better insight on policy taking, especially for ongoing and forthcoming trade agreement.


Author(s):  
Chika P. Imoagwu ◽  
Joan N. Ozoh ◽  
Chinwe M. Madueke ◽  
Chidinma C. Mbah

The signing of the agreement that established the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in the year 2019 is believed to be an African-based growth strategy that is self-reliant and is expected to be the world’s largest free trade area after the World Trade Organization (WTO). The agreement is an attestation to the fact that African countries cannot continue to rely solely on the global trading system and global economy of the world economic powers, probably because they are increasingly becoming unpredictable. However, there is an assumption that the aggregate consumer and business spending on the continent could rise if AfCFTA is implemented successfully. This assumption therefore calls for a research like this to evaluate the likely economic impacts of the free trade agreement on different African countries particularly Nigeria which is the giant of Africa and the focus of this study. To achieve the objectives of the study, descriptive statistical approach was utilized to examine how the AfCFTA could contribute particularly on poverty reduction and Nigeria has been struggling for many decades to reduce poverty. These variables were considered: household income, illiteracy level, unemployment level and access to health care. The results of the analyses revealed that the AfCFTA could be slightly beneficial to Nigeria as it would improve the efficiency of the factors of production and product markets thereby enhancing household income generation, reducing the level of illiteracy, unemployment and increasing access to good health, efficient resource allocation and improved industry competitiveness which was expected to help Nigeria record significant reduction in poverty level and increase in economic development. In the light of these findings, the study recommends that government should then design proactive strategies that would reap the full benefits of AfCFTA such as engaging the private sector in identifying receptive and risk surrounding their sectors and paying more attention to the development of the service sector etc. The study has potential limitations such as unavailability of recent data. To tackle this limitation, the study adopted the 2019 survey data on pillars of measuring human development index by World Bank to address the quality of the findings, and research question. JEL: F10, H13, O10 <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0779/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


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