Self-determination, race, and empire: Feminist nationalists in Britain, Ireland and the United States, 1830s to World War One

2006 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-254
Author(s):  
Lucy Delap ◽  
Louise Ryan ◽  
Teresa Zackodnik
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One

The Missionary Solution

2019 ◽  
pp. 80-110
Author(s):  
Charlie Laderman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
The United States ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Civilizing Mission ◽  
American Missionaries ◽  
The World

This chapter examines the attempt by American missionaries to help remold the Ottoman state into a constitutional political system in the aftermath of the 1909 Young Turk Revolution. It explains why Americans, who had long regarded their missionaries as humanitarian aid agents helping to support and uplift the Armenians through their mission stations, now looked to them to extend their “civilizing mission” across the Empire. It explores the growth of the Protestant missionary lobby in the United States and the ways in which it developed support for an attempt to build a civil society in the Ottoman Empire that would ensure security for the Armenians within a reformed Ottoman polity. It explains why missionaries and their supporters viewed this as part of a larger mission to spread Christian ideals and representative government around the world alongside British evangelists. Missionary dreams of a new Ottoman nation collapsed when, amidst World War One, the Ottoman Armenians faced wholesale destruction. This chapter concludes by exploring how Woodrow Wilson’s administration and the missionaries responded to this “Crime Against Humanity,” and why their determination to maintain American neutrality so infuriated Theodore Roosevelt. It examines how the missionary lobby pioneered an unprecedented relief operation, and worked in partnership with the leading British champion of the Armenians, James Bryce, to publicize the atrocities and plan for Armenia’s ultimate liberation from Ottoman rule.

The United States and Self-Determination: Perspectives on the Wilsonian Conception

1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michla Pomerance
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
The United States ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Autonomy ◽  
Conflicting Demands ◽  
The Right

Ever since the principle of self-determination entered the lexicon of international politics during World War I, American foreign policymakers have had to contend with problems revolving around that concept. The need to favor one or another claimant, each waving the banner of self-determination and invoking the “right to determine its own fate,” continues to present dilemmas, often extremely troubling ones, for U.S. decisionmakers. Examples from recent history come readily to mind. The entire post-World War II decolonization process entailed an endless series of such dilemmas, and even after formal decolonization was all but completed, such nagging issues as Katanga, Biafra, and Eritrea remained, not to mention the problems of South Africa, Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and Indochina. Indeed, even within America’s own imperial domain, the United States was faced with the conflicting demands of the Puerto Rican nationalists and the majority of the Puerto Rican electorate, the claims of the Marianas as against those of Micronesia as a whole, and demands for cultural autonomy on the part of diverse ethnic groups.

Debsian Socialism Through a Transnational Lens

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Burwood
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Context ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Political Traditions

Socialism in the United States between 1901 and 1919 has usually been viewed in a national context replete with assumptions about American Exceptionalism. Taking their cue from Werner Sombart's classic 1906 essay “Why Is there No Socialism in the United States?,” historians of American socialism from Daniel Bell and David Shannon to Seymour Martin Lipset have pointed to distinctly American conditions inimical to the growth of Socialism. For Ira Kipnis and Philip Foner, the problem was that American socialism before World War One was too rooted in American political traditions, not pure or Marxist enough. For Daniel Bell, it was a “foreign virus,” and was unable to be domesticated. And in the work of Paul Buhle, the “foreign” nature of American socialism in its ethnic and immigrant members has found its rescuer. The distinction between the “American” and “foreign” character of American socialism dominated debate for far too long.

Fashioning a Professional Dialogue in Oceanography: The U.S. Navy and the Ocean Science Community, 1924-1960

2000 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Weir
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Barriers ◽  
Naval Academy ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
United States Naval Academy ◽  
Ocean Science ◽  
Science Community

Since the Great War of 1914-1918 the relationship between naval officers and ocean scientists in the United States has illustrated well the unpredictable effect of cultural barriers on constructive professional dialogues. The customs and practices attending an academic or industrial laboratory differ dramatically from those absorbed by midshipmen at the United States Naval Academy or officers on board combat ships. Each group lives in a nearly discreet, culturally constructed world. During the course of this century the communication and understanding necessary for these communities to work together toward a common goal required social and political insight as well as extensive entrepreneurship and careful cultural translation. Confronting a poverty of resources after World War One the Navy and the civilian oceanographic community formed a common practice to pool both resources and skill in an effort to perform meaningful ocean research. When the possibility of another war loomed large in the 1930s, they turned to determined cultural translators. The latter, drawn from both communities, converted the primitive common practice and considerable cultural obstacles of the interwar period into a fluid wartime professional dialogue. Fortified by success in World War II, key translators brought the dialogue to maturity after 1945.

Deconstructing the balance of power: two traditions of thought

1989 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Little
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

In 1919 when the first tentative steps were taken to establish the study of international relations as an independent discipline, liberals in the United States and Europe believed that the First World War had been caused by European statesmen who had been pursuing policies designed to promote a balance of power. It was gloomily predicted, moreover, that the continuing influence of balance of power thinking would precipitate another world war. One of the major objectives of the nascent discipline was to identify alternative ways of organizing international relations so that the pernicious influence of the balance of power could be permanently eliminated.

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