Prison officers in Poland: A profession in historical perspective

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-58 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
Prison System ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Two Generations

This study concentrates on the changing nature of the prison officer profession in Poland as the country developed from a Stalinist satellite to a liberal democracy and member of the European Union. Drawing on a range of archival materials, the study also aims to demonstrate how a social institution is shaped by political forces. The analysis supports two theses. Firstly, because for two generations the prison system was deployed ‘against the people’, it is unsurprising that Polish citizens view prison officers in a negative light. Secondly, if prison staff wants to be recognised as professionals devoted to a decent and worthy task, they are likely need to deploy imaginative public relations.

Greek National Identity and the Greek Education System in the Age of Austerity

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Maria Chalari ◽  
Thomas Georgas
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Education System ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Humanitarian Crisis ◽  
Current Climate

This paper critically reviews discourses of Greek national identity and the role of the Greek education system first in a historical perspective and then in the current climate of economic crisis in Greece. It also discusses the reason why teachers and schools are key to tackling growing discriminatory social attitudes. The preceding nationalistic discourse and the historical forms of nationhood and education in Greece might help us unravel the difficulties Greek national identity faces in the current era of economic and humanitarian crisis and uncertainty with regard to the European Union project, its evolution, its struggles, the nature of its challenges and tensions, and the empowerment of its ethnocentric and racist sentiment.

scholarly journals The German hegemony in the European Union: European Economic Integration as an Asymmetric Regime

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-329
Author(s):  
Everton Almeida Silva ◽  
Joaquim Carlos Racy
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Regime ◽  
European Economic ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Subject

In this paper we intend to analyze the hegemonic position of Germany within the European Union, examining, from a historical perspective, the process of economic integration of the continent, highlighting the haggling process among its Member States and the emergence of power relations among those. Primordially, the economic relations among the States and the circumstances that led European States to pursue the international cooperation, in order to build an international regime, will be analyzed, considering whether such an asymmetrical arrangement. In view of this, the present work has been organized into three sections and a conclusion where we state our opinion on the subject and point out suggestions and referrals on the theme.     Recebido em: agosto/2019. Aprovado em: agosto/2020.

scholarly journals The geography of Brexit – What geography? Modelling and predicting the outcome across 380 local authorities

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 183-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Manley ◽  
Kelvyn Jones ◽  
Ron Johnston
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Predictive Value ◽  
Regional Variation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Opinion Polling ◽  
The People ◽  
Post Hoc ◽  
Levels Of Support

Most of the analysis before the 2016 referendum on the UK’s continued membership of the European Union based on opinion polling data focused on which groups were more likely to support each of the two options, with less attention to the geography of that support – although some regions, especially London and Scotland, were expected to provide substantial support for Remain. Using a recently developed procedure for detailed exploration of large tables derived from survey data, this paper presents the result of a prediction of the outcome across local authorities in Great Britain using just two variables – age and qualifications. In relative terms, that prediction was reasonably accurate – although, reflecting the polls’ overestimate of support for Remain it underestimated the number of places where Leave gained a majority, as was also the case within local authorities where data were published by ward. The model’s predictive value was enhanced by post hoc incorporation of information on turnout and the number of registered electors, and taking these into account there was little evidence of substantial, additional regional variation in levels of support for Leave. Overall, regions were relatively unimportant as influences on the referendum outcome once the characteristics of the people living there were taken into account.

My Click is My Bond

Gamification ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 1734-1750
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bishop
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Internet Use ◽  
Service Providers ◽  
Computer Mediated Communication ◽  
Contract Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Mediated Communication ◽  
The People ◽  
Computer Mediated

The growth in Internet use is not only placing pressure on service providers to maintain adequate bandwidth but also the people who run the Websites that operate through them. Called systems operators, or sysops, these people face a number of different obligations arising out of the use of their computer-mediated communication platforms. Most notable are contracts, which nearly all Websites have, and in the case of e-commerce sites in the European Union, there are contractual terms they must have. This chapter sets out to investigate how the role contract law can both help and hinder sysops and their users. Sysop powers are limited by sysop prerogative, which is everything they can do which has not been taken away by statute or given away by contract. The chapter finds that there are a number of special considerations for sysops in how they use contracts in order that they are not open to obligations through disabled or vulnerable users being abused by others.

Liberal Democracy and Its Discontent

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-114
Author(s):  
Yves Mény
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Slow Evolution ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Rich Countries

There is unanimous agreement about the growing discontent vis-à-vis liberal democracy. Despite a considerable diversity of its manifestations, the disenchantment with democracy, its institutions as well as its policies is universal. The disease has contaminated every democratic system: those recently set up as well as consolidated democracies such as the UK and USA; rich countries as well as less affluent ones; social-democratic regimes as well as neoliberal ones; federal as well as centralized states. This new trend is well consolidated. Thirty years after the fall of the Soviet regimes, the naïve belief that there was no alternative to liberal democracy has faded away. This chapter argues that the crisis is not a mere effect of the post-2008 financial collapse but rather a consequence of three processes. First is the incremental but deep transformation of what we call democracy over the past 50 years. We have a single word (democracy) to label systems which have gone through a profound transformation and which, at the end, do not fit with democracy’s ideals, hopes, and expectations. The second process is the shaking of the very foundations of the past equilibrium based on a compromise between two conflicting values: the power of the people, on one hand, and the liberal limitations on the people’s capacity to act, decide, and control, on the other. The new equilibrium reached after many years of slow evolution is characterized by a serious imbalance between the popular input and the checks and balances, contributing to the frustration of those who are, in theory, the ‘sovereign’. Third is the increasing discrepancy between democratic systems and institutions that have developed exclusively within the Westphalian nation-state, and policies that are more and more framed by or dependent upon global actors. Finally, the failure of the European Union to tackle the so-called ‘democratic deficit’ has disillusioned those who had dreamed of reconciling democratic processes and policies with supranational institutions, flows, and actors. The populist outburst in both its anarchic and authoritarian versions, while fuelling discontent, might become a mere ‘impasse’. There is, indeed, ‘only a single bed for two dreams’ and some new balance between the contradicting values of democracy and liberalism has to be established for the future.

Falling on Deaf Ears? Exploring the Effects of Newspaper Coverage of the European Parliament on Public Support for it

2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-210
Author(s):  
Olga Eisele
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Public Support ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Second Order ◽  
Political Information ◽  
Newspaper Coverage ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The People ◽  
The Uk

Abstract The European Parliament (EP) is the only directly elected institution at the European Union (EU) level, and its empowerment was long regarded to quasi-automatically lead to greater legitimacy of EU politics. The strength of the EP has grown continuously. However, this has not translated into greater appreciation of a crisis-ridden EU which seems more fundamentally questioned than ever before. Starting from the assumption that mass media serve as the most important source of political information and therefore as a crucial connective interface, we explore newspaper contents about the EP and their effects on public support for it to assess the actual link between the people’s representation at EU level and the people at home. The analysis is conducted for EP elections of 2009 and 2014 in Finland, Germany and the UK. Results suggest that effects of coverage on public support of the EP became stronger and more direct in 2014, which is explained by the increased salience of EU politics in times of crisis. However, expectations of what the EP is or should be may have to be adapted to the reality of a second-order parliament.

The Community Courts and Openness Within the European Union

1999 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Hans Ragnemalm
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Public Power ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Community Courts

Government by the people presupposes that citizens are fully aware of public matters and properly informed. Nowadays, this is well understood and increasingly accepted. However, there is still disagreement as to how citizens are to check their government and what the limits of such control should be. In my view, it is essential that this scrutiny is generally available to all citizens and that it is provided in binding legal terms, the application of which is subject to legal appeal. However, a less stringent standard of scrutiny is often provided. Indeed, confusion between concepts is patent in this field and overshadows what is really at issue—the recognition of a fundamental right for citizens, which forms a basis for the exercise of several other rights. The right of citizens to review the exercise of public power is ultimately the foundation of both the principle of democracy and popular sovereignty.

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