Japanese floating numeral quantifiers as generalized quantifiers

2014 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 123-134
Author(s):  
Kenji Yokota
Keyword(s):  
Generalized Quantifiers ◽  
Numeral Quantifiers

scholarly journals A fuzzy syllogistic reasoning schema for generalized quantifiers

2014 ◽  
Vol 234 ◽  
pp. 79-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Pereira-Fariña ◽  
Juan C. Vidal ◽  
F. Dĺaz-Hermida ◽  
A. Bugarĺn
Keyword(s):  
Syllogistic Reasoning ◽  
Generalized Quantifiers

scholarly journals Semantics with Dependent Types for Indefinites

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-192
Author(s):  
Justyna Grudzińska
Keyword(s):  
Dynamic Properties ◽  
Formal System ◽  
Dependent Types ◽  
Generalized Quantifiers

Abstract The paper proposes a new semantics with dependent types for indefinites, encompassing both the data related to their exceptional scopal behavior and the data related to their anaphoric (dynamic) properties. The proposal builds on the formal system combining generalized quantifiers ([Mostowski 1957], [Lindström 1966]) with dependent types ([Martin-Löf 1972], [Makkai 1995]) in [Grudzińska & Zawadowski 2014] and [Grudzińska & Zawadowski 2016].

scholarly journals Quantification in event semantics: generalized quantifiers vs. sub-events

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 39-53
Author(s):  
Sascha Alexeyenko
Keyword(s):  
Generalized Quantifiers ◽  
Existential Quantifier ◽  
Event Semantics ◽  
Event Type

The goal of this paper is to evaluate two approaches to quantification in event semantics,namely the analysis of quantificational DPs in terms of generalized quantifiers andthe analysis proposed in Schein (1993) according to which quantifiers over individuals containan existential quantifier over sub-events in their scope. Both analyses capture the fact that theevent quantifier always takes scope under quantifiers over individuals (the Event Type Principlein Landman (2000)), but the sub-events analysis has also been argued to be able to accountfor some further data, namely for adverbs qualifying ‘ensemble’ events and for mixed cumulative/distributive readings. This paper shows that the sub-events analysis also provides a betteraccount of the Event Type Principle if a broader range of data is considered, including caseswith non-existential quantifiers over events: unlike the generalized quantifiers analysis, it cansuccessfully account for the interpretation of indefinites in bare habituals and sentences thatcontain overt adverbs of quantification.Keywords: quantification, event semantics, generic quantifier, habituals, Q-adverbs.

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