scholarly journals Do more flexible lists increase the take-up of preference voting?

2020 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 102232
Author(s):  
Thomas Däubler
Keyword(s):  
2009 ◽  
Vol 60 (7) ◽  
pp. 1036-1037 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Hadi-Vencheh ◽  
M-N Mokhtarian
Keyword(s):  

2011 ◽  
pp. 205-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Sinnott ◽  
James McBride
Keyword(s):  

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD S. KATZ

Intraparty preference voting is a potentially important possibility for voters in many proportional representation systems, especially the Italian system. Three hypotheses—that preference voting is an indicator of traditionalism or the voto di scambio, sophistication or the voto d'opinione, and mobilization or the voto d'appartenenza—are considered using survey data and logistic regression models. All three hypotheses are supported by the data. Although the support for the individual-level traditionalism account is weakest, the data suggest that traditional political culture may contribute to the contextual prerequisites for sophistication or mobilization to lead to preference voting. Overall, it is suggested that the three explanations are complementary rather than contradictory, and that contextual effects must be considered in a full account of preference voting.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olle Folke ◽  
Johanna Rickne

We study the distribution of preference votes across politicians with different behaviors and attitudes. There are two main findings. First, preference votes are concentrated to politicians who are more active in communicating their policy proposals and policy priorities. This suggests that preference voting may incentivize more transparency and communication among politicians, and, hence, be positive for accountability. Second, preference votes are concentrated to politicians who are more—not less—loyal to the party in their voting decisions, and to politicians who’s ideological and policy positions are mainstream—rather than extreme—compared to their party colleagues. Together with the first finding, this suggests that preference voting can strengthen the bond of accountability between voters and politicians without undercutting parties’ ideological cohesion.


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