Domestic migrants' responsiveness to electoral mobilization under authoritarianism: Evidence from China's grassroots elections

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 102170
Author(s):  
Jun Fang ◽  
Ji Yeon Hong
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Domestic Migrants

What Kind of Ireland?

2021 ◽  
pp. xviii-20
Author(s):  
Niamh Hardiman ◽  
David M. Farrell ◽  
Eoin Carolan ◽  
John Coakley ◽  
Aidan Regan ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Original Contribution ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

Modern Ireland is a relatively wealthy and politically stable democracy, but it bears the deep marks of its route to this point. This introductory chapter draws together some key themes that run through this volume and profiles the core contributions of each of its chapters. The overall story is one of contradictory influences. The political institutions of the state, notwithstanding much innovation over time, retain a bias toward a remarkably strong executive. The long-standing weaknesses of social democratic electoral mobilization both reflect and reinforce a conservative and market-oriented tilt in policy priorities. The ideas that animate public discourse show a creative but sometimes problematic tension between republican and communitarian ideals on the one hand, and liberal ideas and values on the other. Ireland has assumed a confident role on the world stage and especially within the European Union (EU), but relations with its nearest neighbour, the United Kingdom, can often be problematic, not least because of the complexity of the politics of Northern Ireland. And while on many measures Ireland is among the wealthiest of the EU member states, this is not the lived reality for a great many of its citizens, and the nuances of why this is so need to be carefully assessed. Overall, this introductory chapter offers an overview of the whole Handbook while also making an original contribution in its own right.

Ethnic Group Inequality, Partisan Networks, and Political Clientelism

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yi-ting Wang ◽  
Kiril Kolev
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Positive Relationship ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Ethnic Organizations ◽  
Mere Presence ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Group Inequality

How do ethnic group divisions affect parties’ linkage strategies? The provision of private or local club goods favoring co-ethnics by politicians has been well documented in the literature. However, whether clientelism tends to be more widespread in ethnically highly fragmented societies has not been systematically examined. Utilizing a dataset that includes information on more than 450 parties in eighty competitive party systems, we show that the mere presence of multiple ethnic groups does not lead to more clientelistic exchange. Nevertheless, in countries characterized by high levels of economic inequality between politically relevant ethnic groups, parties are more likely to rely on clientelistic strategies to attract votes. In addition, this positive relationship between ethnic income inequality and clientelism is contingent on parties’ ties to ethnic social networks. Specifically, in ethnically unequal societies, parties that can rely on existing ethnic organizations particularly engage in clientelistic modes of electoral mobilization.

Do Social Media Matter?

2021 ◽  
pp. 123-154
Author(s):  
Cristian Vaccari ◽  
Augusto Valeriani
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Lower Threshold ◽  
Accidental Exposure ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
The Many ◽  
Supportive Messages ◽  
Digital Spaces

Political experiences on social media—such as being targeted by electoral mobilization, seeing politically supportive messages, and accidentally encountering news—contribute to citizens’ repertoires of political participation. These associations are, on average, stronger for electoral mobilization than for accidental exposure, while exposure to supportive political content lies in between. Political experiences on social media do not disproportionally encourage participation in relatively easier, less resource-intensive activities, nor in activities primarily occurring in digital spaces, but foster hybrid participatory repertoires that combine higher-threshold and lower-threshold endeavors occurring both online and face to face. When placed amid the many different factors that affect participation, political experiences on social media play a distinctive and important role. However, their impact may be weaker than that of long-standing differences in resources and motivations among different groups of citizens.

The Emergence of the PRI in Mexico

2021 ◽  
pp. 49-78
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman
Keyword(s):  
Regional Differences ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Land Privatization ◽  
Electoral Mobilization

This chapter explores the role of erosion of traditional agrarian structures on party organization in Mexico. Land privatization was extensive but not uniform in the country by the time the Partido Revolucioonario Institucional (PRI) began forming. Through agrarian census materials and archival evidence of electoral mobilization and peasant union construction, this chapter shows how the regions in the country with relatively higher levels of land privatization and where kinship-based communal councils were weak were the areas where the PRI emerged as a mass party. In areas where land privatization was weak and communal councils were strong, the party was able to establish only tenuous temporary alliances with peasants. It shows how these regional differences correspond to differences in peasants’ organizational availability, types of interests and demands, and emergence of professional politicians autonomous from their communities of origin. These differences facilitated the emergence of the PRI.

Dalit Party Performance and Bloc Voting

2019 ◽  
pp. 85-120
Author(s):  
Amit Ahuja
Keyword(s):  
Tamil Nadu ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Ethnic Parties ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Party Vote Shares ◽  
Electoral Performance

This chapter outlines the electoral performance of Dalit ethnic parties. In non-movement states, Dalit ethnic party vote shares have been higher, and Dalits have won more seats in state assembly and parliamentary elections than Dalit ethnic parties in movement states. The chapter process traces Dalit electoral mobilization by ethnic and multiethnic parties across the two sets of states. It proceeds to show that Dalits’ ethnic party performance is explained by Dalits’ attitudes toward bloc voting and, that importantly, voters’ attitudes vary significantly across movement and non-movement states. Dalits in Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra are far less inclined to vote with members of their caste than Dalits in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.

Mass Party Formation: Land, Civil Society, and Party in Postrevolutionary Mexico

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-300
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman
Keyword(s):  
Archival Data ◽  
Party Formation ◽  
Partido Revolucionario Institucional ◽  
Novel Approach ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Land Privatization ◽  
Mass Organization ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Bureaucratic State ◽  
Do So

AbstractWhat explains mass party formation? Prevailing approaches explain party formation as a process of reflection of preexisting social constituencies, or as the consequence of the rise of the bureaucratic state and in particular the advent of universal suffrage. These approaches fail to explain why Mexico’s Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) emerged as a mass party in some regions but not others despite attempts to do so and similarity in conditions that have been posited as central to party formation. I put forth a novel approach that posits that parties emerge as mass organization through a process of constitution of the very social base they claim to represent, but their constitutive powers are conditioned by fundamental economic structures. Relying on agrarian censuses and archival data, I show that the PRI emerged as a mass party in areas where land privatization had been more intensive. In these areas the party during its process of formation was able to build new, and absorb existing, peasant unions and organizations and carry out strong electoral mobilization. These findings suggest that mass party formation is dependent on the destruction of “pre”-capitalist agrarian structures.

The Location of Foreign Human Capital in the United States

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 330-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brigitte Waldorf
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Capital ◽  
The United States ◽  
Deterrent Effect ◽  
Community Surveys ◽  
Local Economies ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Locational Choices ◽  
Domestic Migrants

Among the millions of newcomers entering the United States every decade, those with extensive human capital are of particular importance for local economies. This study uses data from the American Community Surveys, 2004 to 2007 and compares the locational patterns of highly educated individuals coming from abroad with that of highly educated individuals migrating internally. The study finds that the locational choices of highly educated newcomers from abroad are similar to those of highly educated domestic migrants but that there are some important differences. Gateway states are substantially more successful in attracting human capital from abroad than domestic human capital; foreign human capital is more strongly attracted to existing human capital agglomerations than domestic human capital; and a manufacturing-based industry is a deterrent for the attraction of both foreign and domestic highly educated in-migrants, but the deterrent effect is stronger for domestic human capital than for human capital from abroad.

States or parties? Emigrant outreach and transnational engagement

2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrina Burgess
Keyword(s):  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Home Country ◽  
Systems Design ◽  
The State ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Trade Off ◽  
Interest Representation ◽  
Electoral Turnout ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Transnational Engagement

Home-country institutions are increasingly engaged in reaching out to their emigrants to further their domestic agendas. Using a most-different systems design, I compare two cases in which emigrant outreach is dominated by the state (Philippines and Mexico) and two cases in which it is dominated by parties (Lebanon and the Dominican Republic). My main argument is that each type of outreach results in a different trade-off between electoral mobilization and partisan autonomy. State-led outreach encourages emigrants to transcend partisan divisions but does not mobilize overseas voters. By contrast, party-led outreach generates higher electoral turnout while reproducing and reinforcing sectarian and/or clientelist patterns of interest representation. I conclude with the implications for whether emigrants are likely to play a democratizing role in fragile democracies with serious deficits in participation, representation, and accountability.

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