The impact of cuing candidate quality on female candidates

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 102127
Author(s):  
Patrick Cunha Silva ◽  
Brian F. Crisp
2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 329-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarína Škrabáková

This paper examines the legislative recruitment of women from conservative Islamist parties. It questions the common assumption that generally all Islamist parties are equally hostile to political participation and representation of women. For this purpose, two of the electorally most successful Islamist groups in the MENA region are compared, namely the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and its Moroccan offshoot, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD). The article seeks an explanation for diverging trends in female candidacy between these conservative religious movements, using the traditional supply and demand model of candidate selection. It argues that the less centralized and the more institutionalized parties (as is the case with the PJD) seem to be better equipped to facilitate women’s candidacy than the more oligarchic ones (the MB). In order to fully grasp the reasons behind the diverging trends in the nomination of female candidates from both Islamist parties, cultural factors are scrutinized as well. The article highlights the limits of the supply and demand model of candidate selection, which cannot explain instances of unexpected change in recruitment strategies based on external interference. Furthermore, it does not provide us the means to assess the impact of individual candidates’ ‘feminist credentials’ on overall female representation.



2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110409
Author(s):  
Rainbow Murray ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Vibeke Wang

Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.


Author(s):  
Robert G. Boatright ◽  
Valerie Sperling

This chapter provides the theoretical context for the study by exploring whether and how gender usually matters in campaigns and elections, and the ways in which the 2016 election was different in this regard. The chapter presents the literature on voter preferences for male and female candidates, the impact of gender stereotypes on voting, and the way campaigns and advertisers make use of these stereotypes when trying to promote their candidates or undermine their opponents. The chapter devotes particular attention to recent claims that women are not disadvantaged in contemporary American elections, and it explores ways in which this finding might be applied to the 2016 presidential election, the first to feature a female general election nominee.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Michael Jankowski ◽  
Kamil Marcinkiewicz

Abstract Maciej Górecki provides a detailed and interesting discussion of our analysis regarding women's electoral success in the Polish open-list proportional representation (PR) system and the impact of a gender quota implemented in 2011. In essence, he claims that it remains an open question whether the gender quota had a ‘paradoxical’ effect (i.e., whether the introduction of the gender quota had a negative impact on female candidates) due to ‘debatable’ methodological choices in our analysis. In this article, we respond to Górecki's critique. First, we demonstrate that we do not necessarily disagree on the paradoxical impact of the gender quota but rather on the strength of the paradoxical effect. Second, we discuss some drawbacks of using the raw number of votes cast for a candidate as the dependent variable. Finally, we respond to the critique of including the ballot position in the regression model. We emphasize that even if one agrees with Górecki's critique that the ballot position is endogenous, excluding this variable leads to a severely misspecified model that does not allow one to reliably identify the effect of gender.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Jankowski ◽  
Kamil Marcinkiewicz

Research on the impact of gender quotas in open-list proportional representation systems has described quotas as ineffective or even paradoxical. While some authors argue that gender quotas without a placement mandate will be essentially ineffective since most women will be nominated to unpromising positions, others suppose that women will be disadvantaged by gender quotas because the increase in the number of female candidates will decrease the average number of preferential votes cast for women. We reexamine the evidence for these claims by analyzing the case of Poland. We demonstrate that the gender quota introduced there in 2011 increased the number of women placed at promising ballot positions and had very little impact on the number of preferential votes cast for women. Additionally, using simulations, we show that the quota had a positive impact on the number of elected women.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 767-787
Author(s):  
Randall A. Renstrom ◽  
Victor C. Ottati

Two experiments demonstrate that highly empathetic messages conveyed by a political candidate produce more favorable attitudes and increase the likelihood individuals will vote for the political candidate. Study 1 revealed this Empathetic Communication Effect is stronger among female political candidates than male. Compared to male candidates, female candidates are evaluated more positively when they engage in empathetic language but are more harshly penalized when they fail to display empathy. An analogous pattern emerged for candidate party in Study 2. Namely, the Empathetic Communication Effect is stronger among Democratic political candidates than Republican political candidates. Results also explore the impact of empathetic rhetoric on perceptions of candidates’ socio-emotionality and instrumentality.


This book uses the newly collected Political Party Database to investigate how political parties organize in contemporary parliamentary democracies. It develops new approaches and new measures for testing mid-level theories about the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences. Chapters in the first section catalogue cross-party differences in areas such as financial and staffing resources, party relations with societal groups, and roles of party members’ in party decision-making. These chapters find much greater similarities within countries than within party families. Chapters in the second section examine the impact of parties’ organizational differences, including on the selection of female candidates, the incorporation of new ideas in party manifestos, and the unity of parties’ legislative delegations. These and other chapters demonstrate how parties’ organizational efforts can affect important policy and political outcomes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (15_suppl) ◽  
pp. e16714-e16714
Author(s):  
Veronica Hurtado ◽  
Felipe Brito ◽  
David Carrera ◽  
Marcela Penjean

e16714 Background: Currently Chile does not have a database of functional capacity (FC) in cancer patients. Our purpose is to assess the impact of oncological digestive surgery in FC in Chilean patients at the Clinical Oncology Institute Foundation Arturo López Pérez (FALP) through the 6 minutes walking test (6MWT), which allows objectifying the FC based within the meters walked for 6 minutes by the patient. Methods: It’s a retrospective study of data analysis. The 6MWT was assessed on the day of admission to FALP and discharge. The FC was measured by the distance walked in 6 minutes. Inclusion criteria were male and female candidates for elective oncological digestive surgery from December 2018 - January 2020 and eligible for the 6MWD. We compared the result of the 6MWD baseline admission against an expected reference value according to age, weight and height, and were classified according to whether they were above or below the reference level; their change was also evaluated after surgery, estimated as a percentage of change. Digestive interventions were classified according to site. A P < 0.05 was considered significant. Results: 108 patients were included; the mean age was 57.8 years and the average body mass index (BMI) 26.6. Upon admission 40.7% (N = 44) were above the reference value and 59.3% (N = 64) below it. Regarding the length of hospital stay, we observed an average 8.97 days (Men = 9.96; women = 7.96; P = 0.008). At discharge in 6MWD an average decrease of 149.6 meters (admission = 502.2 mts; Discharge = 352.6 mts.) is seen. At admission, men with age < 40 years (P = 0.031) and subjects with BMI < 30 (P = 0.039) walked a greater distance. There are no significant differences by surgery classification. Regarding the percentage loss of FC, women are more affected (P < 0.001). Conclusions: Based on the results obtained in the 6MWT, we can conclude that the surgery has an impact on patient’s FC. Note that over 50% of patients had a lower value than the base reference. Therefore, we believe it is important to make a multidisciplinary approach at the time of cancer diagnosis to evaluate and optimize the FC baseline before surgery. Clear examples of this approach are the prehabilitation programs. More studies are required in Chilean patients for more conclusive data.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 679-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Setzler ◽  
Alixandra B. Yanus

AbstractResearch shows that areas with high levels of aggregate religiosity are less likely to elect female candidates to national, state, and local offices. These studies, however, do not determine the causal mechanisms underlying this relationship. In the present analysis, we seek to examine what role, if any, religious exposure and tradition play in determining individuals’ general election vote choices in mixed-gender contests. To explore this relationship, we use data from the 2010 and 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies. We find some evidence of a relationship between religious beliefs and voting for female congressional candidates; when compared to secular voters, evangelical Protestants and Catholics are more likely to vote for Republican women and less likely to support Democratic women. Our results, however, also underscore partisan identities’ central role in shaping individual vote choice, regardless of a candidate's gender.


1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley Matile Ogletree ◽  
Mary C. Coffee ◽  
Shyla A. May

A factor mediating attitudes toward female/male political candidates may be the potential effect of a candidate's private life. The impact of a familial situation on attitudes towards a hypothetical presidential candidate was investigated in Study 1. Although main effects for candidate sex and familial situation were found, our data did not support differential effects by candidate sex. In Study 2 the potential impact of a candidate's personal problem was examined. A male with past psychological problems was perceived as more electable than three of four female candidates. In both studies, male candidates were perceived as more likely to win the election than were female candidates.


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