Valence politics and electoral choice in a new democracy: The case of Taiwan

2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 476-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl Ho ◽  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Li-Khan Chen ◽  
Dennis Lu-Chung Weng
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 221-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Whiteley ◽  
Harold Clarke ◽  
David Sanders ◽  
Marianne Stuart

This paper responds to Evans and Kat’s critique of the valence politics model of electoral choice. Their critique is deficient in several respects. First, the authors do not test the valence politics model, which is motivated by a theory of voting rather than a claim about the relationship between generalized measures of “party preference” and “party performance.” Second, Evans and Kat do not provide theoretical grounding for partisanship, which they claim is strongly exogenous to other variables of interest. Third, there are several specification and testing problems with their structural equation model. We study the properties of the valence model using a vector error correction model of aggregate monthly survey data gathered throughout the New Labour Era. Consistent with theoretical expectations, key valence politics variables constitute a powerful cointegrated system in which the dynamics of partisanship are endogenous to other variables in the system.


2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Clarke ◽  
David Sanders ◽  
Marianne Stewart ◽  
Paul Whiteley

2011 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 450-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Thomas J. Scotto ◽  
Jason Reifler ◽  
David Sanders ◽  
...  

2011 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 438-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Thomas J. Scotto ◽  
Allan Kornberg

Humaniora ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Abitassha Az Zahra ◽  
Eko Priyo Purnomo ◽  
Aulia Nur Kasiwi

The research aimed to explain the pattern of social communication on the issue of rejection of the PLTU Batang development policy. It used data on Twitter accounts involved in the rejection of the PLTU Batang development policy. In analyzing existing data, qualitative methods and social analysis networks were used. To see social networks in the rejection of the PLTU Batang development policy, the research used the NodeXL application to find out the patterns of social communication networks in #TolakPLTUBatang. From the results, it can be seen that in the dissemination of social networking information, the @praditya_wibby account is the most central account in the social network and has a strong influence on the social network. The @praditya_wibby account has a role in moving the community through Twitter to make a critical social movement. This means that in the current digital era, democracy enters a new form through the movement of public opinion delivery through social media. Besides, by encouraging the role of online news, the distribution of information becomes faster to form new perceptions of an issue. This is evident from the correlation network where the @praditya_wibby account has correlations with several compass online media accounts, tirto.id, okezonenews, vice, antaranews, BBCIndonesia, and CNN Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Suhay ◽  
Bernard Grofman ◽  
Alexander H. Trechsel

Electoral persuasion rests at the center of the democratic process. Politicians, parties, interest groups, members of the media, and citizens themselves are constantly communicating with one another about electorally relevant topics. These communications will ultimately influence—although not always in predictable ways—voters’ choices and, therefore, election outcomes and the direction of government. Scholarship on this important topic has exploded in recent decades. Yet, there have been relatively few efforts to synthesize the accumulated knowledge. In this volume, we bring together accomplished scholars who study one or more aspects of electoral persuasion—who communicates with whom about democratic politics, what they communicate about and why, how and where they communicate, and with what effect. The result is a vibrant collection of US-based and international perspectives on the relevant actors, their motivations and methods of persuasion, and their varied influences on electoral choice.


2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (2) ◽  
pp. 431-437
Author(s):  
Meredith L. Weiss

Much of the work of political science revolves around institutions—the structures through which politics happens. Leaders enter the frame, of course, but often as institutions in human form: presidents, premiers, populists, and mobilizers who serve to channel and direct who does what and what they do, much like an agency or law. We might trace this pseudo-structural, largely mechanical reading of human agency to political scientists of an earlier era: the behavioralists of the 1950s and 1960s. James C. Scott began his career as just such a scholar. For his dissertation-turned-book, Political Ideology in Malaysia: Reality and the Beliefs of an Elite, Scott surveyed a gaggle of Malaysian bureaucrats to examine, effectively, the extent to which their values and assumptions supported or subverted the new democracy they served. Although itself fairly prosaic, that work foreshadows the political grime and games that soon pulled Scott in more promising directions theoretically, whether scrutinizing Southeast Asia or global patterns: disentangling structure from norms, finding agency around the margins of class and state, and rethinking how power looks and functions.


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