United States Civil Rights Act of 1964

2011 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Act

scholarly journals A Simple Solution to Policing Problems: Women!

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 590-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mindy E. Bergman ◽  
Jessica M. Walker ◽  
Vanessa A. Jean
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Police Officer ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Police Departments ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Police Organizations ◽  
Female Officers ◽  
Organizational Climates

Ruggs et al. (2016) describe paths through which industrial–organizational (I-O) psychology can make a dent in the ongoing policing problems in the United States. These paths include traditional I-O areas such as improved selection models, increased training, and changed organizational climates. However, there might be one fairly straightforward way in which police organizations can quickly reduce use-of-force problems: women. Because Title VII of the Civil Rights Act prevents selection based on sex, police departments obviously cannot hire women just because they are women. But police departments can and, we argue, should recruit more women to apply for police officer positions, create work practices and experiences that are attractive to and supportive of women (Hassell & Brandl, 2009), and make efforts to retain female officers because of the evidence that female officers use less force when policing (Bolger, 2015). Additionally, police organizations and I-O psychologists should also work together to discover why women are less likely to use force and, subsequently, determine whether these characteristics can be selected or trained for in either sex.

Shall We Employ Women Guards in Male Prisons?

1987 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois Shawver ◽  
Douglas Kurdys
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Security Risk ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Male Prisoners ◽  
Privacy Invasion

Since the Civil Rights Act of 1964, United States prisons have begun hiring women to work as guards in male prisons. In recent years, this policy has been challenged in the courts on two grounds: first, that women guards are a security risk, and second, that they invade prisoners' privacy. Research cited in this article questions the validity of both of these claims. Women guards appear to reduce tensions in male prisons and to be in less danger than the male guards. Three criteria are suggested for evaluating privacy invasion in particular cases, and using these criteria it appears that most prisons can avoid privacy invasion of male prisoners without excluding women from positions as guards.

Our Spirit Is Not Narrow Bigotry

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-126
Author(s):  
Linda C. McClain
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
The United States ◽  
Court Cases ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
The Law ◽  
Natural Difference

This chapter studies how arguments about bigotry, conscience, and legislating morality featured in legislative debate over the Civil Rights Act of 1964, particularly the public accommodations provision (Title II). President Lyndon B. Johnson urged clergy to support the act and help the United States overcome bigotry. Religious leaders testified for and against the law. Lawmakers and witnesses supporting the law insisted that the nation’s conscience demanded that Congress pass a law to end bigotry and racial discrimination. Opponents referred to bigotry in multiple ways: they argued that segregation reflected natural difference and God’s plan, not bigotry; that people had a right to be bigoted; and that the act’s supporters were the real bigots. The chapter concludes with two Supreme Court cases upholding Title II relevant to later constitutional challenges to civil rights laws protecting LGBTQ persons: Heart of Atlanta v. United States and Newman v. Piggie Park Enterprises.

The Armenian Genocide, AKA the Elephant in the Room

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 783-790 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayda Erbal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Business ◽  
Market Regulation ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Southern States

The summer of 2015 will perhaps be remembered as a watershed moment in the annals of racism in the United States. What had been normalized for decades by the southern states and giant retailers in “postracist” America was institutionally delegitimized almost overnight. Upping the ante, the department store giant Macy's announced it will discontinue Donald Trump merchandise because of Trump's racist remarks. A mere half century after the 1964 Civil Rights Act, in a perfect act of Foucauldian governmentality and market regulation from above, American business interests aggressively interfered in redefining the discursive and symbolic boundaries of the new mainstream normativity and truth in the United States. One can safely say that symbolic and actual denial of slavery and racist essentialism as normalized discourses in mainstream US culture and scholarship took another institutional blow, even though some reactionary book review here and there can still make its way into the mainstream, and even though defeating “dog whistle politics” is much more difficult than defeating outright racist symbols or speech.

THINKING AND NOT THINKING ABOUT RACE IN THE UNITED STATES

2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-446
Author(s):  
DAVID FARBER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
American Society

John Skrentny, The Minority Rights Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002)Richard King, Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, 1940–1970 (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Press, 2004)Since June 1964, all three branches of the federal government have supported the goal of racial justice in the United States. John Skrentny, in The Minority Rights Revolution, explains how that goal and related ones have been implemented over the last sixty years. He argues that key policy developments since that time were driven less by mass movements and much more by elite “meaning entrepreneurs.” Well before the 1964 Civil Rights Act was made law, in the immediate post-World War II years, a bevy of transatlantic intellectuals responded to Nazi race policy by seeking a universalist vision that would unite humanity. Richard King, in Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, explores how intellectuals pursued that anti-racist universalist vision and then how African and African-American intellectuals in the 1960s, in particular, rejected universalism and began, instead, to pursue racial justice through cultural particularism. King's traditional intellectual history, when combined with Skrentny's sociological analysis of how elites managed ideas to pursue specific policies, reveals how American society, in pursuit of racial justice, moved from the simple stated ideals of the 1964 Civil Rights Act—equal opportunity and access—to the complexities of affirmative action and an embrace of “diversity” in American life.

scholarly journals The influence of race, religion and class on election behavior in the United States of America (1930-2008)

Sociologija ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-116
Author(s):  
Ana Vareca
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Early Stages

In this paper the author evaluates constancy of the influence of race, religion and class on election behavior in America in period 1930-2008. It appears that the findings from the early stages of this period have set the trend which has not significantly change to these days. Findings from electoral 2008 show us very small differences in political behavior throughout these period, except in 1960's when African Americans have become mostly supporters of Democratic party, thanks to efforts of Democrats to sign Civil Rights Act.

scholarly journals Clair Engle and the brain tumor that almost derailed the Civil Rights Act

2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. E11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Son
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Brain Tumor ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Brain ◽  
United States Senator

Senator Clare Engle was a United States senator from California who cast an important vote to end the filibuster of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, even as a brain tumor had left him with an expressive aphasia and would claim his life just a month later. This paper reviews the history of Senator Engle’s illness in parallel with that of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

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