Integrating policies for combating climate change: role of the Japanese Joint Conference for the Kyoto Protocol

2000 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Takashi Hattori
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Evans

The Kyoto Protocol defines new emissions standards to be met by the international community in respect of greenhouse gases, the aim of which is to curb the present trend of adverse climate change. The specific responses of ratifying governments to bring about the desired changes will significantly impact citizenry and industry alike. This article addresses the issues surrounding emissions trading systems as market-based policy instruments that may ultimately contribute to Canada s legislative response to the Kyoto standards. Central to this question is the need to familiarize legal practitioners with the implications of climate change and the range of policy responses available to government in the context of emissions trading systems. The author examines responses open to the governments of Canada and Alberta through a review of the international reaction to climate change, the role of emissions trading in environmental regulation generally and the anticipated use of emissions trading to comply with the Kyoto Protocol in the future. The author presents an in-depth analysis of the principles underlying the design of domestic emissions trading systems, of the legislative authority surrounding their implementation and of the need for affected businesses to strategically plan for ensuing changes. The author concludes that while Canada has not yet adopted a policy on domestic emissions trading systems in respect of the Kyoto Protocol, the potential impact of emission standards on domestic sources is pronounced, meriting an inspection of the design features that may form a pan of such trading schemes.


Author(s):  
Mark Maslin

Climate change can only be solved by having binding international agreements to cut global greenhouse gas emissions. ‘Politics of climate change’ reviews the role of the UNFCC and the regular ‘Conference of the Parties’ (COPs) climate change negotiations beginning with the Kyoto Protocol, which was signed in 1997 by over 190 countries. Failures at COP15 in Copenhagen (2009) due to the introduction by the US and BASIC countries of voluntary pledges set back negotiations. COP18 in Doha (2012) reinstated the Kyoto mechanisms and accounting rules, and encouraged parties to review and, if possible, increase their commitments. It is hoped that a timetable for a binding climate agreement can be finalized at COP21 in Paris in 2015.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica F. Green

To date, much of the work on “regime complexes”—loosely connected nonhierarchical institutions—has excluded an important part of the institutional picture: the role of private authority. This paper seeks to remedy this shortcoming by examining privately created standards within the regime complex for climate change and their relationship to public authority. Public rules in the Kyoto Protocol serve as a “coral reef,” attracting private rulemakers whose governance activities come to form part of the regime complex. Using original data, I conduct a network analysis of public and private standards for carbon management. Surprisingly, I find evidence of policy convergence—both around public rules and a subset of privately created rules: there is an emerging order in the complex institutional landscape that governs climate change. The observed convergence arises from private standards' concerns about demonstrating credibility and providing benefits for users. These findings are important for scholars of institutional complexity and climate politics: public rules on carbon accounting have the potential to outlast their current incarnation in the Kyoto Protocol, as perpetuated through private authority.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward John Roy Clarke ◽  
Anna Klas ◽  
Joshua Stevenson ◽  
Emily Jane Kothe

Climate change is a politically-polarised issue, with conservatives less likely than liberals to perceive it as human-caused and consequential. Furthermore, they are less likely to support mitigation and adaptation policies needed to reduce its impacts. This study aimed to examine whether John Oliver’s “A Mathematically Representative Climate Change Debate” clip on his program Last Week Tonight polarised or depolarised a politically-diverse audience on climate policy support and behavioural intentions. One hundred and fifty-nine participants, recruited via Amazon MTurk (94 female, 64 male, one gender unspecified, Mage = 51.07, SDage = 16.35), were presented with either John Oliver’s climate change consensus clip, or a humorous video unrelated to climate change. Although the climate change consensus clip did not reduce polarisation (or increase it) relative to a control on mitigation policy support, it resulted in hyperpolarisation on support for adaptation policies and increased climate action intentions among liberals but not conservatives.


Author(s):  
Sarah Blodgett Bermeo

This chapter introduces the role of development as a self-interested policy pursued by industrialized states in an increasingly connected world. As such, it is differentiated from traditional geopolitical accounts of interactions between industrialized and developing states as well as from assertions that the increased focus on development stems from altruistic motivations. The concept of targeted development—pursuing development abroad when and where it serves the interests of the policymaking states—is introduced and defined. The issue areas covered in the book—foreign aid, trade agreements between industrialized and developing countries, and finance for climate change adaptation and mitigation—are introduced. The preference for bilateral, rather than multilateral, action is discussed.


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