Employment Hardship and Rural Minorities: Theory, Research, and Policy

1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 125-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leif Jensen
Keyword(s):  
Native Americans ◽  
Central City ◽  
Uneven Development ◽  
Job Quality ◽  
Policy Recommendations ◽  
Double Jeopardy ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Racial And Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Theory Research ◽  
Research And Policy

Rural racial and ethnic minorities are among the poorest of all Americans. This article situates their plight both theoretically and empirically in the context of employment hardship. Defined by access to employment and job quality, employment hardship is more prevalent among nonmetropolitan African Americans, Hispanics, and Native Americans than it is among either their central city counterparts or non-Hispanic whites. The strengths and limitations of both individual-level frameworks (e.g., human capital) and macro-level theories (e.g., uneven development) in explaining the economic double jeopardy faced by rural minorities are discussed. Policy recommendations designed to ameliorate employment hardship are presented.

Psychosocial Environment: A Health Promotion Model

1984 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Snehendu B. Kar
Keyword(s):  
Social Support ◽  
Health Promotion ◽  
Health Behavior ◽  
Personal Autonomy ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Situational Factors ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Independent Effects ◽  
Research And Policy

This article presents a multidimensional model of psychosocial determinants of health behavior for health promotion research and policy analysis. Frequently, health promotion focuses almost exclusively on intrapsychic determinants and on individual level behavior. Based upon Field Theory and attitude theories, this proposed model holds that in populations with comparable sociodemographic and biological status (exogenous variables) a health behavior is a function of direct and interaction effects of five key intrapsychic and external variables. These are: behavioral intentions, social support, accessibility of means for action, personal autonomy, and action situation. Empirical tests with cross-cultural studies in Venezuela, Kenya, and the Philippines provide substantial support for the model. The findings suggest that while health promotion strategies should deal with intrapsychic determinants of behavior, key extrapsychic factors (such as social support, quality and accessibility of health care measures, and situational factors) all have direct and independent effects on health behavior as well. Health promotion research and interventions which aim exclusively at intrapsychic determinants would thus have rather limited overall value. The article discusses key research and policy implications of the model presented.

Sexual Harassment in the Military

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Harris ◽  
Daniel P. McDonald ◽  
Corey S. Sparks
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Organizational Context ◽  
Organizational Factors ◽  
Persistent Problem ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Power Differentials ◽  
The Military ◽  
Organizational Climates ◽  
Data Constraints ◽  
Research And Policy

Purpose: Sexual harassment remains a persistent problem in the U.S. military despite extensive research and policy initiatives. Theoretical explanations identify individual circumstances (e.g., power differentials) and organizational factors (e.g., climate, culture). However, data constraints limit the capacity to link individual contexts with independent measures of environments. Data/Methods: A unique Defense Equality Opportunity Climate Survey allows assessment of organizational climates and individual experiences with multilevel analyses. Results: Sexist environmental context increases the likelihood of personal harassment experiences after controlling for individual-level variables. However, unit-level climate, group cohesion, and job satisfaction are not significant. Conclusion: Both individual and organizational factors are important. However, the organizational context has less to do with culture or unit cohesion and more to do with tolerance of sexism. Focusing on problem units may be effective for reducing the prevalence and persistence of sexual harassment.

scholarly journals Rearrests of Noncitizens Subsequent to Immigration Removal From the United States

2020 ◽  
pp. 105756772097545
Author(s):  
Jennifer S. Wong ◽  
Laura J. Hickman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Longitudinal Study ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Los Angeles County ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Recommendations ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
County Jail ◽  
Individual Level

Deportation or removal from the United States for criminal justice–involved noncitizens has been described as analogous to incapacitation. A common assertion is that if immigration authorities remove these noncitizens from the United States, future criminal justice involvement will be averted. The present study explores the hypothesized incapacitation effect of immigration removal and tests whether a record of prior removal predicts postremoval rearrest patterns. The sample consists of 521 foreign-born males with a verified immigration removal from the United States, following transfer into federal immigration custody from Los Angeles County Jail in 2002. California rearrests after the date of verified U.S. removal were tracked through 2011. Results indicate that 48% of the sample was rearrested at least once and 22% had three or more postremoval arrests. These findings do not support the hypothesis that deportation equates to permanent incapacitation. The study also found that a record of prior removal did not predict postremoval rearrest likelihood or frequency. As a single longitudinal study and the first of its kind, these results alone cannot inform responsible policy recommendations. The study does, however, highlight directions for further research and the pressing need for access to individual-level immigration data for empirical study and public distribution of results.

Political Segregation of the Metropolis: Spatial Sorting by Partisan Voting in Metropolitan Minneapolis–St Paul

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle E. Walker
Keyword(s):  
Metropolitan Area ◽  
Spatial Clustering ◽  
Central City ◽  
The United States ◽  
Twin Cities ◽  
Spatial Analyses ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Spatial Sorting ◽  
The Individual

Recent electoral research has claimed that individuals in the United States are self–segregating along political lines. In this paper, I use the Twin Cities, Minnesota, metropolitan area as a case study to test for the presence of political segregation through statistical and spatial analyses of electoral data from 1992 to 2012. I find that while segregation by partisan voting at the individual level is comparatively low, it has increased during the study period, and there exists substantial spatial clustering in voting patterns at aggregate levels. These distinct electoral divides between central city and exurb suggest spatial sorting of the electorate in the metropolitan area.

The Limits of Tolerance in Diverse Societies: Hate Speech and Political Tolerance Norms Among Youth

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison Harell
Keyword(s):  
Free Speech ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Alternative View ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Racial And Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Industrialized Democracies ◽  
Legal Restrictions ◽  
Special Category

Abstract.Conventional measures of political tolerance have tended to assume that people see all forms of speech as equally legitimate (or equally illegitimate). This article develops an alternative view, and measure, of political tolerance to account for individual distinctions across types of speech. Political tolerance is conceptualized using three individual-level dispositions. The intolerant reject speech rights for all objectionable groups; absolute tolerators endorse speech rights for all groups viewed as objectionable; and multicultural tolerators support free speech except when such freedoms are used to target racial and ethnic minorities. Survey data from close to 10,000 youth in Canada and Belgium show that multicultural tolerance reflects civil liberties attitudes among many young citizens. These youth do see exclusionary speech as a special category of “intolerable” speech, consistent with legal restrictions on hate speech in many industrialized democracies. Such target group distinctions are an under-studied and under-specified component of contemporary political tolerance judgments.Résumé.Les mesures conventionnelles de la tolérance politique tendent à présumer que les gens perçoivent tous les discours comme étant également légitimes (ou également illégitimes). Cet article développe une perspective différente et une mesure plus nuancée de la tolérance politique en relevant des distinctions entre les types de propos. On distingue trois dispositions individuelles en matière de tolérance politique. Les intolérants rejettent la liberté d'expression pour tous les groupes ou propos perçus comme importuns; les gens absolument tolérants appuient la liberté d'expression pour tous les groupes ou propos perçus comme importuns; et les adhérents de la tolérance multiculturelle appuient la libre expression publique des idées, sauf quand celle-ci sert à bafouer les minorités ethniques et raciales. Les résultats d'une enquête menée auprès d'environ 10 000 jeunes au Canada et en Belgique indiquent qu'un grand nombre de jeunes citoyens pratiquent la tolérance multiculturelle. Ces derniers considèrent les propos empreints d'exclusion comme une catégorie spéciale de propos «intolérables», conformément aux lois contre la propagande haineuse adoptées dans la plupart des pays développés. Les distinctions de ce genre sont des facteurs négligés dans notre compréhension des jugements contemporains sur la tolérance politique.

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