The counterculture, the new left, and the new right

1994 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca E. Klatch
Keyword(s):  
New Left ◽  
Res Publica ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-253
Author(s):  
Mark Elchardus ◽  
Anton Derks

Our analysis indicates that it is correct to interpret non-participation and a vote for the Extreme Right as at least partly due to a legitimation crisis which seems to be the expression of a new alignment of values. This alignment describes a deep cultural cleavage that divides the higher from the less educated. People who hold pronounced positions on this alignment are more likely than others to turn away from the established, "traditional" parties. People with the values and attitudes typical of the "progressive" or "new left'' side of the cleavage, vote disproportionately for the Greens. People with the values and attitudes typical of the "conservative" or "new right" side of the cleavage, opt disproportionately for non-participation and for the Extreme Right.  In the recent political debate in Flanders, both non-participation and the Extreme Right have been regarded as symptoms of a legitimation crisis, and ofpolitical protest. The difference between the two expressions of cultural opposition or political protest can be understood as a choice for either an "exit" or a "voice" option. People select the "exit" option when they feel especially politically powerless. The "voice"-option is chosen by people for which the value conflict over the position of"migrants" is the most salient issue.The long term causes of the symptoms of a legitimation crisis seem to be the growing economic and cultural gap between the higher and less educated, and the ensuing growth of a conflict in which cultural and social-economic differences are strongly linked.


2001 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 621
Author(s):  
Robert J. S. Ross ◽  
Rebecca E. Klatch
Keyword(s):  
New Left ◽  

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Branislav Jakovljević

1968 was a watershed year not only for the new left but even more so for the rise of the New Right. It turns out that, if 1968 “prepared” 1989 as the next turning point in European and world history, it was probably more through the new right’s forging of ideas that would eventually provide ideological justification for illiberal democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. Yugoslavia is an important site in this history not only because of its early exposure to the ideas of the new right through the work of the painter and publicist Dragoš Kalajić but also because in his seminal book The Philosophy of Parochialism (1969), Radomir Konstantinović anticipated the rise of the new right and offered a penetrating critique of its fundamental premises.


Author(s):  
Rob Imrie ◽  
Stuart Wilks-Heeg

During the 1980s local economic policy became an issue of major political concern. The polarisation of the New Right market‐led strategies advanced by the Thatcher governments and the New Left-inspired counter-response, typified by the last years of the GLC, reflected the tenor of national political and economic debates at the time. Arguably, in the 10 years since the abolition of the GLC, local economic development has been devoid (some might say spared) of any “big idea” arising from wider political debates. Recently, however, there have been signs that a new political direction may be emerging at the national level with significant implications for local economic policy. That direction is the notion of stakeholding.


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