The electoral connection in Australia: Candidate roles, campaign activity, and the popular vote

1994 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donley T. Studlar ◽  
Ian McAllister
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Graefe ◽  
J. Scott Armstrong ◽  
Randall J. Jones ◽  
Alfred G. Cuzan

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (9) ◽  
pp. 1217-1244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus André Melo ◽  
Carlos Pereira ◽  
Carlos Mauricio Figueiredo

This article investigates the performance determinants of accountability institutions in new democracies. Current scholarship on accountability has identified a distinct mechanism through which the introduction of political competition may affect such institutions: the electoral connection or vertical accountability mechanism. This connection is not expected to be effective in new democracies, because political competition is found to be volatile and nonprogrammatic. Another strand of the literature focuses on the effect of power alternation. Government turnover is expected to generate incentives for the creation and strengthening of autonomous institutions. By exploring a unique data set on 33 state audit institutions, the authors bring together these distinct claims and provide systematic empirical tests for them. They find a negative effect of volatility on their institutional activism and a positive (direct and indirect) influence of power alternation on their levels of autonomy and sanctioning patterns.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1(162) ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Piotr Uziębło

The problems raised in the doctrine of constitutional law related to the implementation of a decision taken in a referendum in matters of particular importance to the state, as well as the generally marginal use of the institution of popular vote in the constitutional prac-tice, give rise to reflection on the introduction of the institution of a referendum law into the Polish constitutional system. In this article the author considers the advantages and disadvantages of such a solution, analyzing at the same time contemporary normative regulations concerning such acts in other countries. The research leads to the conclusion that despite the risks involved, the refer-endum law should appear in the Polish constitutional system in the future, as it would not only give a chance for a more complete reflection of the will of the collective subject of sovereignty without the necessity of its decoding by the parliament, but it could also be an impulse for the development of the referendum practice in the Republic of Poland. However, it is important to introduce proce-dural barriers that will prevent depreciation of this institution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian D. Williams
Keyword(s):  

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (04) ◽  
pp. 797-804 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Koza
Keyword(s):  

ABSTRACTThis paper answers 24 criticisms of the National Popular Vote interstate compact in Darin DeWitt and Thomas Schwartz’s paper entitled “A Calamitous Compact” (found elsewhere in this issue).


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 74-93
Author(s):  
Samuel Salzborn

The Alternative for Germany (AfD) has been sitting in Germany’s federal parliament since September 2017, having won 12.6 percent of the popular vote. In considering this young party’s recent development, researchers have focussed on its rhetorical strategies (i.e., populism) and its radicalization. Until now, much less attention has been paid to antisemitism within the AfD— also because the party would prefer to keep this out of public debate. By investigating its treatment of antisemitism, Nazism, and the politics of remembrance, it can be shown that the AfD has the features of a far-right party, to a much clearer extent than might be guessed from its media image, particularly inside Germany.


1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 214-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebekah Herrick ◽  
Michael K. Moore ◽  
John R. Hibbing
Keyword(s):  

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