The cost of voting: Its fiscal impact on government

Public Choice ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 34 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
RobertE. McCormick ◽  
RichardB. McKenzie
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bendor ◽  
Daniel Diermeier ◽  
David A. Siegel ◽  
Michael M. Ting

This chapter focuses on voter participation, perhaps the most well-known anomaly for rational choice theory. The problem goes like this: in large electorates, the chance that any single voter will be pivotal is very small. Consequently, the cost of voting will outweigh the expected gains from turning out and few citizens will vote. This prediction is not consistent with some of the most easily observed facts about elections. The chapter introduces a basic model of electoral participation that focuses on voters’ turnout decisions under fixed candidate platforms. Contrary to the “paradox of turnout” raised by game-theoretic models of turnout, the model consistently generates realistically high levels of turnout. It also produces comparative statics, including those for voting cost, population size, and faction size, that are intuitive and empirically supported.


Author(s):  
Jan E. Leighley ◽  
Jonathan Nagler

This chapter considers the electoral impact the new, wider array of voter registration and election administration laws using a new data set collected on state electoral rules between 1972 and 2008. States vary tremendously as to how easy it is to register and to vote, and previous research suggests that these laws affect who votes because they change the cost of voting. However, most of these studies rely on cross-sectional data, and usually consider the influence of one reform at a time. The chapter provides aggregate (state-level) analyses of the effects of changes in these rules on voter turnout. These analyses help us address the question of whether overall voter turnout has increased as a result of these legal changes. It finds modest effects of election day registration, of absentee voting, and of moving the closing date for registration closer to the election on overall turnout. The effect of early voting is less clear.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 719-724
Author(s):  
Courtney L. Juelich ◽  
Joseph A. Coll

Young voters make up the largest portion of the electorate but vote at the lowest rates of any age group. While scholars have studied how culture affects youth political participation, few studies have analyzed how institutional barriers affect youth voting—even though these laws have been found to affect turnout of other disadvantaged groups. Considering younger citizens are more likely to be non-habitual voters with less political knowledge, efficacy, and resources, it is possible that these laws have magnified effects for youths. This could explain why new voters, facing new restrictions to voting, are participating at lower percentages than youths of earlier cohorts. Using the 2004–2016 Current Population Survey ( N = 360,000) and the Cost of Voting Index to test the effects of restrictive electoral environments on youth turnout, we find that restrictive environments disproportionately hurt young voters by decreasing the probability they turn out by 16 percentage points, compared with older voters.


2019 ◽  
Vol 152 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S142-S142
Author(s):  
Daniel Peterson ◽  
Philip Foulis ◽  
Steven Agosti

Abstract Introduction Beginning in 2012, the Choosing Wisely campaign sought to identify tests or procedures whose necessity should be questioned to ensure that they are truly necessary. This study aims to look at the inappropriate usage of relatively uncommon “send-out” laboratory tests that, although rare for the majority of patients, carry a much higher financial cost than more common “in-house” tests. The study objective is to gain an understanding of the fiscal impact of pathology approval of send-out test orders. Methods The laboratory records of send-out tests that were either approved or cancelled by the pathology department based on explicit test specific criteria were reviewed from 2004 to May 8, 2018. This review totaled 49,935 unique patients, 115,484 unique accessions for a send-out test order, and 588 unique send-out tests that did not meet criteria encompassing a menu of 725 send-out tests. The cost of each send-out test, number of cancelled tests, and number of approved tests were examined to reveal which cancelled test orders accounted for the most savings. Conclusion This study showed that, with no policy in place for pathology approval of send-out testing, inappropriate test orders may contribute to 30% of the cost of all send-out testing. The three areas of testing that contributed to the costliest amount of inappropriate ordering (41% of overall savings) were cytogenetics, FISH, and HIV/HCV treatment susceptibility testing. This information may be used to address the root cause of the issue by educating clinicians as to the appropriate clinical indications of certain send-out tests, the tests most commonly inappropriately ordered, and the tests that require the greatest discretion when ordering. Further study is necessary to address possible interventions that may resolve the root cause of inappropriate send-out test orders.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Fortune Agbele

Using micro-level data from three constituencies in Ghana, which are cases of high, average and low turnout respectively, I assess whether voters’ perceptions of the cost of voting (resource and time) can explain such variation in voter turnout. Results suggest that in Ghana, such individual perceptions of the cost associated with voting do not help in explaining variance in voter turnout at the constituency level: Across the different levels of turnout, there is little to no variance in voters’ perceptions. I find that the high positive perceptions of the electoral processes across high, average, and low turnout constituencies are not only due to the activities of the electoral management body but among others, the adjustments by citizens to the process based on their experiences from past elections.


Author(s):  
Anna Lo Prete ◽  
Federico Revelli

Abstract Using data on mayoral elections in large Italian cities during the 2000s, we investigate whether and how voter turnout affects city performance across a number of dimensions. To address the issue of voter turnout endogeneity and identify the transmission mechanism, we exploit exogenous variation in participation rates in mayoral elections due to anticipated shocks (concurrence of local and national elections) and unanticipated shocks (bad weather on the day of the election) to the cost of voting. The results consistently point to a negative impact of voter turnout rates on indicators of urban environmental performance, life quality, and administrative efficiency. Interestingly, though, we find that only anticipated shocks to turnout affect the quality of elected mayors measured on a number of competence dimensions, compatibly with the hypothesis of a selection mechanism whereby parties choose candidates to maximize their chances of winning the elections based on their expectations on voter turnout rates (JEL D72, H72, C26).


2020 ◽  
pp. 153244002094388
Author(s):  
David Cottrell ◽  
Michael C. Herron ◽  
Daniel A. Smith

Lines at the polls raise the cost of voting and can precipitate unequal treatment of voters. Research on voting lines is nonetheless hampered by a fundamental measurement problem: little is known about the distribution of time voters spend in line prior to casting ballots. We argue that early, in-person voter check-in times allow us identify individuals who waited in line to vote. Drawing on election administrative records from two General Elections in Florida—1,031,179 check-ins from 2012 and 1,846,845 from 2016—we find that minority voters incurred disproportionately long wait times in 2012 and that in-person voters who waited excessively in 2012 had a slightly lower probability—approximately one percent—of turning out to vote in 2016, ceteris paribus. These individuals also had slightly lower turnout probabilities in the 2014 Midterm Election, ceteris paribus. Our results draw attention to the ongoing importance of the administrative features of elections that influence the cost of voting and ultimately the extent to which voters are treated equally.


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