Thinking through war: The social thought of Richard T. Ely, John R. Commons, and Edward A. Ross during the First World War

2001 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Herzberg
Author(s):  
Igor Lyubchyk

The research issue peculiarities of wide Russian propaganda among the most Western ethnographic group – Lemkies is revealed in the article. The character and orientation of Russian and Soviet agitation through the social, religious and social movements aimed at supporting Russian identity in the region are traced. Tragic pages during the First World War were Thalrogian prisons for Lemkas, which actually swept Lemkivshchyna through Muscovophilian influences. Agitation for Russian Orthodoxy has provoked frequent cases of sharp conflicts between Lemkas. In general, attempts by moskvophile agitators to impose russian identity on the Orthodox rite were failed. Taking advantage of the complex socio-economic situation of Lemkos, Russian campaigners began to promote moving to the USSR. Another stage of Russian propaganda among Lemkos began with the onset of the Second World War. Throughout the territory of the Galician Lemkivshchyna, Soviet propaganda for resettlement to the USSR began rather quickly. During the dramatic events of the Second World War and the post-war period, despite the outbreaks of the liberation movement, among the Lemkoswere manifestations of political sympathies oriented toward the USSR. Keywords: borderlands, Lemkivshchyna, Lemky, Lemkivsky schism, Moskvophile, Orthodoxy, agitation, ethnopolitics


Cliocanarias ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Perfecto García ◽  

The regime of general Francisco Franco imposed a nationalist model from two ideological sources: the nationalcatholicism, an antiliberal proposal of the Catholic Church that identified Spain with catholicism; and the anti-liberal and fascist alternatives born in the heat of the European political-social crisis and Spanish of the First World War. The political model was strongly centralist, authoritarian and interventionist around Castile and the Castilian language, rejecting the other nationalist models. At the social level, the corporate proposal stood out by means of the compulsory framing of workers and businessmen in the Spanish Organización Sindical, the unique trade union of Francoism led by the unique party Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS


Author(s):  
I. Y. Mednikov

The article deals with an insufficiently studied problem, Spanish neutrality during the First World War. The author analyzes its historical significance in the international context, as well in the context of political, economical and social evolution of Spain. Spain was one of the few major European Powers that maintained its neutrality throughout the First World War. Although all Spanish governments during the conflict declared strict neutrality, it was, in actual fact, benevolent towards the Entente Powers, and by the end of hostilities Spain turned into "neutral ally" of Entente. This benevolence towards the future winners and a wide humanitarian campaign supported and headed by the King Alfonso XIII enabled Spain to improve her position in the postwar system of international relations; Spain became one of the non-permanent members of the League of Nations Council. Nevertheless the Spanish neutrality had a negative impact upon the social, political and economical evolution of Spain. The social stratification was increased, the public opinion was deeply divided and the social conflicts were aggravated, that considerably affected the further evolution of the Spanish society.


2009 ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
Steven Forti

- Nicola Bombacci was an important PSI's leader during the First World War and the biennio rosso (1919-1920). After his expulsion from the PCd'I, of which was one of the founders, he approached fascism and became one of the last supporters of it since he had been shooted by partisans and died in Como Lake, and had been exposed in Loreto Square beside to Mussolini. After a short historical mention of the Bombacci's political life, these pages will analyse deeper the question of the passage from the left to fascism in interwar Italy, through the analyse of his political language. The method executed in order to analyse the question foresees the use of a biography by dates and the identification of the political interpretation's categories, which permit to carry out a comparison between the social-communist and fascist period. In conclusions, the article proposes a thesis of interpretation: the political passion.Parole chiave: Fascismo, Nazione, Rivoluzione, Classe, Guerra, Passione politica Fascism, Nation, Revolution, Class, War, Political passion


2021 ◽  
pp. 181-190
Author(s):  
Siobhán Hearne

This chapter provides a summary of the key arguments of the book: that reactions to regulation were complicated and multifaceted; that regulation varied widely from place to place; and that there was a huge gulf between the ambitions of the tsarist authorities for policing prostitution, and the corresponding reality. Thereafter, the chapter examines the abolition of the regulation system in July 1917 by the Provisional Government. The social and economic dislocation of the First World War, revolution, and Civil War undoubtedly saw many more women engaging in prostitution. After seizing power from the Provisional Government in October 1917, the Bolsheviks set out to eradicate prostitution as they regarded it as an unwanted remnant of the bourgeois, capitalist past. However, prejudices against women who worked as prostitutes that had been established under the regulation system were difficult to shift, particularly the perception that women who sold sex were responsible for the transmission of venereal diseases. These stubborn ideas meant that attempts to eliminate prostitution in the early Soviet period were destined to be unsuccessful.


Author(s):  
Aimée Fox

Abstract In recent years, the social history of armed forces has done much to reconstruct the experience of soldiering. However, remarkably few studies focus explicitly upon the social and political relations that play a central role in how armies behave. This article aims to understand the British Army in the era of the First World War in terms of its informal and formal organisation, exploring and interrogating the connections and relationships between individuals and the structures within which they operate. Using the concept of patronage as a lens, it will demonstrate how social relationships were able to offer alternatives to purely hierarchical systems of administration. Rather than simple favouritism, for a variety of reasons these processes functioned along meritocratic lines, enabling the Army to adopt pragmatic and innovative solutions to the challenges of the First World War.


Author(s):  
Jean-François Fayet

Two years after the revolution in Russia, the social revolution was once again fermenting on the ruins of the empires defeated in the war. The First World War was turning into a civil war and not only in countries defeated in the war. The year 1919 saw the spread of workers’ and soldiers’ councils and a series of anti-colonial revolts in the Middle East and Far East. As yet, the link between these and the October Revolution was largely symbolic, since the Communist International generally learned of events only after the fact even as it endeavoured to integrate them within a global theoretical framework. Nevertheless it felt as though revolution were spreading like a contagion, at the same time as a wave of repression no less generalized was building up. Opening in revolutionary struggle, the year 1919 would end in victory for counter-revolution.


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