The Freedom to Speak: Psychopolitical Meanings in Argentine History

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 224-232
Author(s):  
Nancy Caro Hollander
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Christian Snoey

El objetivo de este trabajo es reflexionar en torno a las categorías de pensamiento mediante las que se trata de aprehender la historia en el volumen, híbrido entre cuento y novela, Historia argentina, de Rodrigo Fresán, a partir de un análisis de las formas narrativas mediante las que se construyen los relatos, puesto que la estructura de la obra, a modo de cuentos que funcionan por resonancia, espejea la manera en que se concibe la historia. Para ello, parto fundamentalmente de las ideas de Ricardo Piglia acerca de la relación entre política y literatura, para quien la ficción reproduce el lenguaje del Estado y crea su reverso; y también acudo a las teorías de Eloy Fernández Porta, ensayadas en Afterpop, para deslindar la manera en que el uso de referencias pop en esta obra responde a una crítica de las formas de la cultura oficial. Por tanto, el punto de llegada de este trabajo consiste en el análisis de la revisión del lenguaje con el que se ha articulado la historia argentina, y la búsqueda de un lenguaje otro para escribir y aprehenderla en Historia argentina, tomando como idea central el concepto de distanciamiento, puesto que cifra la actitud, tanto emocional como intelectual, respecto a la escritura de la historia. The objective of this work is to reflect on the categories of thought through which it is a question of apprehending the history in the book, hybrid between story and novel, Historia argentina, by Rodrigo Fresán, from an analysis of the narrative forms through those that build the stories, since the structure of the work, by way of stories that work by resonance, reflects the way in which history is conceived. To do this, I fundamentally start form the ideas of Ricardo Piglia about the relationship between politics and literature, for whom fiction reproduces the language of the State and creates its reverse. And I also turn to the theories of Eloy Fernández Porta, studied in Afterpop, to demarcate the way in which the use of pop references in this work responds to a critique of the forms of official culture. Therefore, the objective of this work is the analysis of the revision of the language with which Argentine history has been articulated, and the search for another language to write and apprehend in Argentine history, taking as a central idea the concept of distancing, since it figures the attitude, both emotional and intellectual, regarding the writing of history.


2003 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Bower

In 1880, following a two-generation-long civil war, Argentina embarked upon a critical period of nation-building, which culminated in the centennial celebrations of 1910. In The Argentine Generation of 1880: Ideology and Cultural Texts, David Foster has commented upon the inconclusiveness of national cultural formation as Argentina turned from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the uncertainty of how much from the provinces would be incorporated into the elite-constructed culture emanating from the port city of Buenos Aires. The recently published work of Roy Hora, The Landowners of the Argentine Pampas: A Social and Political History 1860-1945, and the work of Tulio Halperin, “The Buenos Aires Landed Class and the Shape of Argentine Politics (1820-1930),” which preceded it, further heighten the significance of provincial-porteño interaction at this point in Argentine history. Halperin and Hora find that during these years, and beyond, the socio-economic and the political elite of Argentina was not a unified whole, but rather two distinctive groups. In the leadership of the socio-economic elite was a landed class based on the estancias of the Argentine pampa and overwhelmingly porteño in character. Provincials dominated the political elite, as the provinces ‘captured’ the federal government in the years following their reunification with the province of Buenos Aires in 1861. Participation in the federal government brought the provincial political elite into contact with the porteño estancieros who dominated the socio-economic elite, as these were almost universally resident in the federal capital. But Roy Hora has described the relationship between the two groups as “problematic.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Edward Brudney

This article examines a series of worker strikes that culminated in the takeover of the Deutz Argentina tractor factory in October 1980. These mobilizations occurred under the most violent military regime in modern Argentine history—the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (Process of National Reorganization, 1976–83)—yet they did not provoke legal or extralegal repression. Instead, over a week of highly visible conflicts, the Deutz workforce challenged the company’s decision to close the plant and publicly attacked the dictatorship’s economic policies and failure to defend Argentina’s national interest. This episode has been largely ignored within the history of labor relations during the Proceso. In this article, I advance two related arguments. First, I suggest that while several factors contributed to the lack of violence, the workers’ discourse demands serious analysis and shows important continuities with historical Peronist ideologies. Rather than passive victims or heroic revolutionaries, I demonstrate that Deutz workers pursued a pragmatic and occasionally aggressive strategy centered around ideas of patriotism, family, and religion—all ideas that the Armed Forces rhetorically celebrated. Second, I argue that this case challenges accepted notions related to the “state of exception” that nominally suspended the normal functioning of the law. Instead, I show, the law and legal precedent remained critically important to workers, trade unionists, management, and state actors as they navigated this situation. Labor legislation played a key role in the development, understanding, and resolution of the confrontation. This reading takes seriously the Proceso as a government and offers new insight into authoritarian legality.


1962 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-255
Author(s):  
William Dusenberry

The battle of Pavón was one of the most important in Argentine history, for it symbolized the definitive union of all the Argentine provinces. This battle took place on the plains of Pavón, in the province of Santa Fe, on September 17, 1861. Most historians agree that it signalled the beginning of Argentina as a nation.For nearly a decade prior to this battle, Argentina had suffered from internal strife and division. On February 3, 1852, the forces of Justo José de Urquiza, Governor of the province of Entre Ríos, had overthrown the army of Juan Manuel de Rosas, the violent caudillo who had ruled the province of Buenos Aires with a heavy hand since 1829;1 during the greater part of his regime, Rosas had handled foreign affairs for all fourteen of the provinces of the Argentine Confederation. Rosas was forced into exile in England. As a matter of course, Argentine then looked to Urquiza for leadership.


Author(s):  
Alicia Frischknecht

The Argentine history of the last quarter of century has been influenced by the conditions of fact established by the information that accompany the process inaugurated by the Military Meeting in March, 1976. All of us share in our biography this experience: we were influenced, in any way, by his consequences. Furthermore, we might assure that the national identity recognizes this milestone as variable of our biography’s configuration. The statement of our life registers in or from the same one. Some prominent people, figures, and some groups recognize a particular value in their statements. They constitute recollections, they recover ideals and valorize themselves in certain system of values and of beliefs. Nevertheless, for those that must recover his biography from the absence, the plot becomes more complex: the value that for all it represents does not manage to re-put the sense to the silence, to the absence, to the disappearance. Andrés Cuervo’s El retrato postergado weaves with cuts and voices that serve to the recovery of this another statement, which returns the familiar image of Haroldo Conti, father, friend, writer, scriptwriter; already not politician, already not militant, already not banner of all, but experience of few ones.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cole Rizki

On 24 March 1976, the Argentine military staged a coup d’état and established dictatorship. To eliminate radical left activists, the armed forces perpetrated mass civilian murder until democratic transition in 1983. The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo emerged, protesting their children’s disappearance by mobilizing portraiture to make visible familial rupture and indict the state. This article examines the archival exhibit, Esta se fue, a esta la mataron, esta murió (2017), which displayed trans women’s vernacular photographs and family albums from the 1970s–1980s, the same years as dictatorship. Analyzing the exhibit’s curatorial choices and the photographs’ material and haptic qualities, this article reads the exhibit alongside the Mothers’ iconic activist visual culture and national narratives of family loss. In doing so, the author suggests the exhibit renders trans sociality familial and familiar to a national viewing public, thereby reinterpreting Argentine history by installing trans subjects as proper subjects of national mourning.


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